Non omnia grandior setas
Quae fugiannis habet.




1. To precede page 1. MAP OF PART OF SHROPSHIRE (triplicate).
2. To face page 26. THE OLD CHURCH OF ST. ALKMOND, Whitchurch (Copied from a sketch, taken previous to its fall, in 1711.) David Parkes, del.
3. To precede page 37. MAP OF PART OF SHROPSHIRE.
4. To face page 98. FONT, Shrawardine. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
5. To face page 118. RUYTON-OF-THE-ELEVEN-TOWNS CHURCH Rev.J.Brooke, del.
6. To face page 138. BASCHURCH CHURCH; as it stood in 1808. David Parkes, del.
7. To face page 159. DOOR-WAY, Astley. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
8. To face page 161. CLIVE CHAPEL. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
9. To face page 163. BROUGHTON;- Ruined Chancel of the Old Church. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
10. To face page 172. FONT, Preston Gubbalds. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
11. To face page 192. MORETON-CORBET CHURCH. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
12. To face page 246. ELLESMERE CHURCH; as it stood in 1840. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
13. To precede page 313. MAP OF PART OF SHROPSHIRE (duplicate).
14. To face page 336. OSWESTRY CHURCH; as it stood in 1807. David Parkes, del. ADDERLEY. 1


THIS Manor stands first of a series of four which Domesday gives to Nigellus.-

"Nigellus holds Eldredelei. Edric held it (in Saxon times), and was a free man. Here are III hides, geldable. The (arable) land would employ 6 ox-teams. In demesne there is one team, and (there are) II neat-herds and IIII Villains with one team. Here are two Hayes. The value of the Manor was and is 15s. (per annum)". [1]

The name Eldredelei is probably more etymologically accurate than Adderley. It indicates some Saxon Eldred as the original founder of this settlement.

As to Edric, such a person either owned or shared in the Confessor's reign, six Manors of Odenet Hundred. In one instance (that of Weston) he is described as Edric Salvage, in the five others, merely as a free man. The same person, viz. Edric the Forester, is probably alluded to in all six instances. I have elsewhere given an undoubted case, where Domesday speaks of that illustrious Saxon as nothing more than a free man. [2] In the same Chapter I have spoken of his antecedents and career.

I now pass to NIGELLUS, the Domesday Lord of Adderley, Shavington, Spoonley, and Cloverley. This Nigellus has been identified by some with Nigel de Stafford, the reputed brother of Robert, first Baron Stafford, and the undoubted ancestor of the Gresleys. [3] I must bespeak for our Shropshire Nigel a position far inferior both in its antecedents and its consequents. He was a Clerk, and a Physician, Physician indeed to Earl Roger de Montgomery himself. In seven instances, already enumerated or alluded to, [4] he succeeded

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 1.
[2] Supra, Vol. III. p. 48.
[3] Domesday (fo. 278, a,1), treats of the Derbyshire estates of Nigel de Stafford. Drachelauue (Drakelow) was among them.
[4] Supra, Vol V. pp. 207-209.


to the benefices of Spirtes, a Saxon Priest. This was in his spiritual capacity. The compact estate of four Manors, which he held under Earl Roger in North Shropshire, would probably have descended, as a lay fee, to his heirs, if heirs he had had. I should here observe that a lay-fee in Staffordshire, consisting of the three Manors of Thorpe, Morton, and Kingsley, [1] and held in capite of the King, by Nigellus, was much more probably the Fee of Nigel de Stafford than of Nigel the Physician.

Now there can be no doubt that Nigel the Physician died in the time of Earl Hugh, and that his estates in Shropshire escheated to the said Earl. Adderley, Shavington, Spoonley, and Cloverley, were now consolidated into one Manor, of which Adderley was, for two centuries at least, reputed to be the Caput. The whole seems to me to have reached the hands of King Henry I., as an Escheat of Earl Robert de Belesme, and to have been granted by the said King to that Alan de Dunstanvill, who has been already ascertained to have acquired the great Manor of Idsall, and probably by a similar process. [2] Under Idsall (now Shiffnal) I have traced the descendants of Alan de Dunstanvill, and the general history of their Shropshire Fief. It now remains to give whatever is peculiar to their Seigneury over Adderley and its members.

Between the years 1175 and 1190 Walter de Dunstanvill (I.) made a Park at Adderley. His agreement thereupon with the Abbot of Shrewsbury has been already given. [3]

I have alluded to the fact of Walter de Dunstanvill (II.) having allowed the Canons of Haughmond a right of transit through his Manor of Adderley. [4] In the language of the original Deed he allows the Canons transitum per medium passagium meum de Addurley, eundo et redeundo versus Le Wiche et alibi in agendis suis de et in omnibus quae cedent eis in proprios usus per juramentum fratris sui vel alicujus de propria familia; that is, the uses which the Canons were to make of this privilege were to be strictly confined to things intended for their own consumption, and a brother of their House, or one of their retainers, was to swear to their honest dealing in the matter. The great territory of which we are speaking was probably crossed at the period by only one good road, and whoso passed was amenable to the exactions, or dependent on the mercy, of the Lord of the Fee.

[1] Domesday, fo. 250, b, 2. A branch of the Gresleys subsequently held Kingsley under Fitz Alan.
[2] Supra, Vol. II. pp. 268, 273.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 199.
[4] Supra, Vol. II. p. 293.


Again we have seen that about the year 1219 this same Walter de Dunstanvill taxed several of his estates with a certain rent-charge payable to Shrewsbury Abbey. Among the rest, William fitz Ralph, of Blancmunster, his tenant at Calverhall (or Cloverley), was to supply 10s., and Henry de Shavington was to supply 5s. towards the total. These two sums were of course their respective rents, or parts of their rents, to Dunstanvill himself. [1]

The Bradford Hundred-Roll of 1255 speaks of Adderley, then held by the third Walter de Dunstanvill, as follows.-

"Sir Walter de Dunstanvill is Lord of Addirdel, and holds in capite of the King, and does to the King the service of one Knight for Addirdel and for Ydeshall, and does suit to the county. The Seneschal attends the Hundred-Court twice yearly at the Sheriff's Tournes, and there demands (liberty to hold) his own free Court. The Manor is 4 hides, and does no suit to the Hundred, the Jurors know not by what warranty of exemption". [2]

When Adderley is thus computed to contain 4 hides, the total will exactly correspond with the total Domesday hidage of Adderley, Spoonley, and Shavington. Calverhall (containing 1 hides) is thus practically excluded from the computation; yet there is no doubt that Calverhall was still a member of Dunstanvill's Fief. The Tenure-Rolls of 1284-5 are much more satisfactory on this point. Their joint evidence is that "John de la Mare, through Petronilla his wife, holds the Manor of Adredeley (or Adurley) with its members, to wit Schenton (Shavington), Chalverhall, and Sponeley, of the King, in capite sine medio, by service of one knight's-fee. Here the said John holds his free Court twice yearly, and determines pleas of bloodshed and hue-and-cry. The jurors knew not his warranty, but these franchises have been in use for long time. Of the aforesaid members, Henry de Schenton holds Schenton under John de la Mare; and William de Calverhall holds Calverhall under Bogo de Knovill and his wife Alianore, who hold under the aforesaid John".

A Charter, dated at Aberconway on June 14, 1283, allows John de la Mare to hold a Market on Mondays at Bradewelle, Essex; and, with Petronilla his wife, to exercise Free-Warren in their demesnes at Alderley and Ideshall (Shropshire) and at Iselham (Cambridgeshire).

At the Assizes of 1292 John de la Mere was presented as exercising free-warren in Adredelegh, as well as the other privileges above-mentioned.

[1] Supra, Vol. II. p. 333.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 56.


He came forward and showed that he held Adderley by courtesy of England (per legem Angliae), and that the heir, William de Montfort, was a Minor. [1] I have spoken under Idsall of the great purchase made by Bartholomew de Badlesmere of the estates of William de Montfort. The transaction was completed by a Fine, levied at Westminster on October 6, 1309, between Bartholomew de Badlesmere, Complainant, and William de Montfort, Deforciant. After the death of John de la Mare of Bradewell, Tenant for life by custom of England, the reversion of the following Manors was ceded by Montfort to Badlesmere, viz. Ideshall and Addredele, in Shropshire, and Cumb, Colerne, Heghtredbury (except a messuage and 2 virgates), Sterte and Hurdecote, in Wiltshire. The whole were to be held by Badlesmere immediately of the King, by whose precept the Fine was levied. John de la Mare was present, and, as tenant for life, did fealty to Badlesmere. The latter paid Montfort 1,000 for the grant. [2]

On August 12, 1315, King Edward II., being at Thunderley, expedited a Charter, whereby Bartholomew de Badlesmere was empowered to hold two weekly markets, on Mondays and Fridays, and two annual fairs on the vigil, day, and morrow, of Trinity Sunday, and of St. Matthew the Apostle, at Shuffenhale; also a weekly market on Thursdays, and a Fair on the, vigil, day, and morrow of St. Peter and St. Paul (June 28, 29, and 30), at Aderdeleye, and a Market on Mondays at Castlecombe. On the same day the King granted to Badlesmere a Charter of Free-Warren in Ideshale, Aderdeleye, Sponleye, Calverhalle, and Shavynton. [3]

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316, Bartholomew de Badlesmere duly appears as Lord of Aderdeleye. Six years afterwards he fought on the rebel side at Boroughbridge and was taken prisoner. His subsequent attainder and execution are parts of a well-known drama. [4] Adderley was at length restored to Giles de Badlesmere, his son; and, on the death of the latter without issue, it passed to Margery, the youngest of his four Sisters, who carried it to her husband, William Lord Roos of Hamlake and his descendants.

Of UNDERTENANTS in Adderley I have the following notes.-

At the Assizes of 1256 Robert le Waleys of Arderdel, in Bradford Hundred, failed in due attendance. At these same Assizes, Vivian fitz Adam, of Addradel, impleaded Stephen fitz Hamon for half a virgate here, alleging that Stephen had no other ingress, but

[1] Compare Vol. II. p. 301.
[2] Fines Div. Com. 3 Edw. II., No. 23.
[3] Rot. Chart. 9 Edw. II., No. 57.
[4] See Dugdale's Baronage, II. 58.


under an expired lease, granted by Adam, the Plaintiff's father. The Suit failed because Stephen showed himself to be a Tenant-in-villeinage under Walter de Dunstanville. However the Plaintiff was allowed to proceed by some other process;- and it would seem that he did.-

On November 12, 1257, a Fine was levied whereby Vivian fitz Adam, tenant of half a virgate in Aldredesleg, surrendered the same to Walter de Dunstanville (Plaintiff), and received 2 merks. At the Assizes of 1272, Alexander de Adredeleg was one of the Jurors for Bradford Hundred. A Fine of Nov. 25, 1277, shows Alexander de Addredelegh enfeoffing William fitz Alexander (probably his own son), in a messuage and 70 acres in Addredelegh. The Grantor excepts an assart called Baret, and reserves a penny rent to himself, and the render of all capital services by the Grantee. A sore hawk is the nominal consideration.

In 1316 Richard de Sumervill would seem to have been a Tenant in Adderley.


I am wholly at a loss to say what Saxon Church may have been the Parent of the Churches of this district. Adderley with two of its Manorial adjuncts (Shavington and Spoonley) form the present Parish of Adderley, while Calverhall is in the Parish of Prees. Perhaps Prees, great in its ecclesiastical antecedents, was at one time the Parish Church of Adderley, but proximity would give Market Drayton a better claim to this spiritual supremacy.

Adderley Church was founded before 1291, when it stands in the Taxation, as worth 5 per annum. [1] It was not, like Prees, in the Deanery of Salop, but, like Market-Drayton, in the Deanery of Newport. However we know that Rural Deaneries were first formed without much respect to, and probably without much knowledge of, original Parochial boundaries.

In 1341, the Assessors of the Ninth, quoting the Church-Taxation of 5, taxed the Parish of Adderdeleye at the same sum, as a fair index of the ninth of its wheat, wool, and lambs. [2]

The Valor of 1534-5 gives the preferment of William Tomson, Rector of Adderley, as 12 per annum, less 14s., for synodals and procurations. [3]

THE FONT of this Church is curious, and I imagine ancient, but I can refer it to no specific aera.-

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, pp. 245, 248.
[2] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 182.
[3] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Volume III. page 187.


There is an inscription round the upper edge, which, as far as I can decipher it, or may venture to supply an hiatus, should run as follows:-


Such a motto is so irrelevant to a Font that I must conclude the stone to have originally stood in some other relation.


MASTER RICHARD DE NORTHAMPTON, Priest, was instituted March 8, 1305, at the presentation of Sir John de la Mare. He died June 11, 1319.

ROBERT LE POER, or POWER, Acolyte, was admitted Sept. 15, 1319, having been presented by a Patent of Edward II., dated at Newcastle upon Tyne, August 1, 1319. [1] On his resignation, another Patent, of April 28, 1330, presents-

JOHN FARNDONE to this Rectory, King Edward III. then having custody of Bartholomew de Badlesmere's heir. [2] Farndone was admitted August 1, 1330. He had license for a year's non-residence (studendi gratia) on August 19, 1348;- and died August 29, 1349 (probably of the pestilence).

JOHN DE ASSCHEBY, Clerk, was admitted Dec. 13, 1349, at the presentation of Dame Margaret, Widow of Sir William de Roos, of Hamlake, knight. On Jan. 14, 1354, this Rector had license for a year's non-residence.

On May 13, following, he exchanged preferments with-

WILLIAM COOK, of Newport, Priest, who was admitted to Adderley at the presentation of Sir Thomas de Hakeston, knight,- Patron pro hac vice.

JOHN DE BEYSTON, Rector of Aderley, had a license for two years' non-residence, on Oct. 20, 1355. However, on January 4, 1370,-

WILIAM COOKES (again, as it seems, Rector of Adderley) exchanges preferments with-

WILLIAM DE MONTGOMERY, Priest, late Vicar of Drayton, who is presented to Adderley by Sir Robert de Roos, knight.

SIR JOHN BRETTE, Rector of Adderley, died in 1407-8, and on Feb. 28, 1408,-

SIR HUGH DE SETON, Chaplain, WaS admitted at presentation of the "noble woman Beatrix, Lady De Roos".

[1] Patent. 13 Edw. II., p. 1, m. 37.
[2] Patent 4 Edw. M., p. 1, m. 28.



"THE same Nigellus holds Savintone. Dodo held it (in Saxon times) and was free. Here-is half a hide, geldable. The arable land is (enough) for IIII ox-teams. In demesne is half a team; and (there are) II Serfs and III Boors, with half a team. The value of the Manor (in King Edward's time) was 12s. (per annum): now it is worth 15s. Nigellus found it waste". [1]

Matthew de Shavington, already mentioned, [2] was perhaps an earlier Tenant in this Manor than any of the following.-

Henry de Shavington held here in 1219, under Walter de Dunstanvill (II.), by a rent of 5s. On Oct. 29, 1227, a Fine was levied between Henry de Staunton, Plaintiff, and Walter de Dunstanvill, Deforciant, of 4 virgates in Schaunton, whereof was Plea of Warranty. Walter now acknowledges the right of Henry, to hold in fee, at a rent of 6s. 8d. In return Henry renounced all right in that bosc at Schaunton called Franchehaye, according to the following boundaries, viz. from Hethelhurste Riding to Brocsich; and thence to Risewrichtebrok. All Shavington wood, outside those limits, was to remain to Henry and his heirs.

At the Assizes, during which this Fine was levied, Henry de Savington was amerced 1 merk for unjust detention. He paid the debt in 1229. Henry de Savinton attests a Tunstall Deed about 1240.

It must have been the above or a succeeding Henry de Shainton who appears in 1255 as a Juror for Bradford Hundred, and as Security for a Fine set upon Richard Burnell.

At the Assizes of 1256, William, son of Peter de Saunton, withdrew a suit of disseizin against Henry de Saunton for a tenement in Saunton. His Surities de prosequendo were William, son of Robert de Lak, and Richard, son of Hugh de Kaverhal.

In September 1257, Henry de Schaventon was Foreman of a Hodnet Jury, and about the same time he attests Deeds already quoted under Wottenhull and Marchamley. [3]

Contemporary with this Henry was Reginald de Shavinton,

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 1.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 211 bis.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 252, 275.


surety in a Tunstall Suit of 1256. The position of this Reginald soon after, as first witness of a Wottenhull Deed, [1] would suggest that he was, at the time, head of his family.

In August, 1267, the Lord of Shavington was again named Henry. Henry de Scainton was impleaded by Robert fitz Gervase, and Felicia his wife, for having disseized them of a messuage and 1 bovates in Scainton. It proved however that the Plaintiffs had been in rebellion, and the Defendant had obtained the premises under a precept of the "Lord Edward". [2]

On the Assize-Roll of 1272, Henry de Shavinton was entered as one of the Coroners of Shropshire. He occurs on a Jury in 1281; was living in 1285, but was deceased in 1292, when-

Reginald de Shavington, as his heir, appeared at the Assizes, to answer for his conduct whilst Coroner.

At these same Assizes one William de Mere sued Reginald, son of Henry de Schavyngton, for two-thirds of the Manor of Schavyngton under a Writ De Recto. The Plaintiff alleged that his Grand-father, Robert, had been seized of the premises in Richard I.'s time, which Robert had a son and heir, William, which William had a son and heir, William, the present Plaintiff. The cause was tried by Grand Assize, the issue being, "who had the better right". The July found that Robert had never been seized, as of fee. The Court decided that Reginald should hold the premises quit of William and his heirs.

This Reginald was one of the principal Jurors who had to try causes of Quo Waranto, immediately after these Assizes. He occurs as witness of a Betton Deed in 1294, [4] and in 1300 he is entered as Reginald de Chavynthon, on the Jury which then made perambulation of the Shropshire Forests.

I can say no more of this family, whose tenancy under the Lords of Adderley was evidently the principal one in Shavington. I recur to notices of some other Tenants.-

On October 27, 1227, a Fine was levied between Thomas fitz Walter, Plaintiff, and Edwin Willaveston, Tenant, of a meadow in Scavinton, which Thomas had claimed by process of mort d'ancestre. Thomas now consented to ratify a grant which Edwin had made of the meadow to Combermere Abbey; but the Abbey was to hold it under Thomas and his heirs at a rent of 6s. In return, Thomas

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 275.
[2] Edward, Prince of Wales, who had acted as his Father's Lieutenant in Shropshire and the Marches in 1262.
[3] Assizes, 20 Edw. I., m. 7.
[4] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 200.


renounced to Edwin and his heirs all right which he had in the vill of Willaveston (Wooliston).

Robert fitz Gervase of Shavington has occurred above in 1267. As Robert Gervase or Jervys he also occurs on Juries of 1281, 1283, and 1290.

At the Assizes of 1292 one Alexander de Shavynton was a Manucaptor for the future appearance of Master Richard de Pilson. The same person was appointed a Collector of a Shropshire Scutage in November 1319, and occurs in 1320.

The following suit of August 20, 1313, probably indicates William de Titteley [1] as principal Tenant in Shavington.- Thomas de Lee, John and Stephen his sons, William Tittenleye and Margaret his wife, William Hord and Robert his Son, Robert Botterel, and John, son of Reyner de Lee, were arraigned for wrongfully disseizing Thomas de Titteneleye of 2 messuages, a Water-mill, one carucate and 3 bovates of land, and 8 acres of meadow in Shavynton, Culshetel, [2] and Upton Waters. The cause was adjourned, but William de Tittenleye, as sole Tenant of the premises, undertook the whole defence of the Suit. [3]


"THE same Nigellus holds Sponelege. Dunning held it (in Saxon times) and was free. Here is one hide, geldable. There is (arable) land for II ox-teams. It was and is waste. In King Edward's time the Manor was worth 20s. (per annum)". [4]

In records subsequent to Domesday, and previous to the reign of Edward III., I have not found a single notice of Spoonley, except as involved in Adderley.

Edward II's Charter of Free-Warren to Bartholomew de Badlesmere specifies his demesnes at Sponleye. It is probable that the whole Manor was held in demesne.

[1] Titley lies between Shavington, Spoonley, and Adderley, but is in Cheshire.
[2] Probably Cross Hill (vide supra, Vol. VIII. p. 24).
[3] Assizes at Brug, 7 Edw. II.
[4] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 1.


Calverhall or Cloverley.

"THE same Nigellus holds Cavrahalle. Edmaer and Eluui held it (in Saxon times), for two Manors, and were free, together with these lands. Here are one hide and three virgates, geldable. There is (arable) land enough for VI ox-teams. In demesne is one team; and (there are) II Neat-herds and IIII Villains, with one team. The wood will fatten 20 swine. In King Edward's time the Manor was worth 18s. (per annum). It now yields 20s. and a rent of one hawk". [1]

The Lords of Whitchurch were immediate Tenants of the Lords of Adderley at Calverhall. Of this we have two distinct evidences. In 1219 Walter de Dunstanvill (II.) assigns to Shrewsbury Abbey a rent of 10s., receivable from "William fitz Ralph of Blancmunster for the Fee which he held under the said Walter in Chalvrehalle". Again in 1285 Bogo de Cnovill (in right of his wife Alianore, daughter and Coheir of William de Blancminster) stood mediate between John de la Mare, Lord of Adderley, and William de Calverhall, tenant-in-fee of Calverhall. Those whom I have now to mention will therefore be understood to be Tenants in Calverhall under the Lords of Whitchurch.-

William de Caverhale attests Sandford and other Deeds between the year 1240 and 1250. In 1249 he sat as Juror on a Sandford Inquest. [2] In 1254 William de Calverhall or Calverle, proposed to sue John de Verdon and others for disseizing him of a tenement in Calverhall or Calverle. He is consistently entered on the Pipe-Roll of 1255 as owing one merk pro habenda assiza.

In 1255 the Bradford Jurors presented that Adam Miller of Calfrehall, and Robert Chof of Claverleg (Cloverley) gave 6d. each yearly, to William de Blancminster for his Advowry. [3]

At the Assizes of 1256 Adam de Kalverhale and John his son were in misericordia, for having disseized Richard le Fevre, and Alice his wife, and William, son of Henry de Wereslegh, and Agnes his wife, of common right in 32 acres of land in Kalverhall. [4] The Father and Son were likewise impleaded for the same wrong by

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 1.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 102, 228-9.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 59.
[4] Assizes, 40 Hen. III., m. 4.


Adam fitz Peter of Kalverhall and Sibil his wife, but these Plaintiffs withdrew their prosecution, it having been shown that the Defendants were in seizin of the cleared land (frussura) in question, before the Plaintiffs were married. The Plaintiffs' Sureties de prosequendo were William fitz Henry and Robert fitz William, both of Kalverhal. [1]

One Richard fitz Hugh of Calverhall has occurred to us above [2] at this same period.

But, to return to the principal Tenant,- William de Calverhall. In August 1257 he proposes to sue Albric de Albo Monasterio for disseizing him of a tenement in Calverhall. In September 1258 he has a similar suit against William de Albo Monasterio. In July 1259 he himself is impleaded by Richard and Alice le Fevre (above mentioned) for disseizing them of common pasture in Calverhall; and it would seem that the Plaintiffs were worsted, for in October following they had a Writ of Attaint against the Jurors in this cause.

On November 18, 1275, a Fine was levied, which substantively was William de Calverhale's settlement of an estate on his own son. As William de Calverhale, Senior (Impedient), he acknowledges his gift of a messuage and carucate in Calverhale to William de Calverhale, Junior, and his wife Alina (Plaintiffs, through Alan de Savynton their Attorney); to hold to them and the heirs of William, Junior, by payment of a clove-rent to William, Senior, and his heirs, and by performance of all capital services.

In 1284 we have Henry de Calverhall on a Hodnet Jury; but I take it to be the above William, Junior, who occurs as William de Calverhall soon after, and as attesting local Deeds. [3] In 1292 the same person, as Manucaptor for Master Richard de Pilson, is called William de Cloverleg.

Again as William de Calverhale he occurs as a witness in 1294, [4] and as a Juror on the Forest Perambulation of 1300, and on a local Inquest of 1314. In May 1324 he was returned by the Sheriff of Shropshire as a Man-at-arms, and as under summons to attend a Great Council, forthwith to be holden at Westminster.

In April 1308 it was ascertained by Inquest that an acre in Calverhale which William, son of Richard fitz Hugh (a Felon), had held, had been in keeping of the Vill of Calverhale for the King's year and day, and that the Vill was responsible for the profits. It

[1] Assizes, 40 Hen. III., m. 8.
[2] Supra, page 7.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 252, 253, 285.
[4] Ibidem, p. 200.


was held under William de Calverhale. [1] In January of the same year (1308) a Sandford Inquest was attended by Richard de Cloverleye. Soon afterwards we have Thomas de Calverhall attesting a Whixall Deed. [2]


THIS was one of two Manors, wherewith it would seem that Earl Roger endowed his Chapel of St. Michael, within the Castle of Shrewsbury. [3] Domesday does not assign the Hundred of Soulton, but that is determined by later Records. It describes the Manor as follows.-

"The same Church (St. Michael's) holds Suletune (of the Earl). Brictric held it (in Saxon times) freely. Here is one hide, geldable. There is (arable) land for one ox-team. Here is half a team. The former value of the Manor was 5s. (per annum): now it yields 4d. more". [4]

I have shown under Lacon, how in the 13th century both Lacon and Soulton were held under St. Michael's by Robert Corbet of Morton. [5] What remains to be said, chiefly concerns the Tenants who held under the said Robert Corbet or his predecessors.

On Dec. 2, 1199, Suanilda de Suleton sent Robert fitz Elias and Richard fitz Walter to essoign her appearance at Westminster in a Plea of land, which Ralph the Provost had against her. Owing to her default now or previously, the Sheriff, on Dec. 18 following, seized the land in manu Regis, and reported his act to the Law-Courts in Hilary Term 1200. On Feb. 10, following, Ralph (here called) the Beadle, and his wife, Edith, appeared in Court by their Attorney, Yvo de Suleton, to claim a virgate in Suleton. Suanilda again failing to appear, the Plaintiffs recovered their seizin. It is probable that the above Ralph, called Provost or Beadle, was identical with Ralph de Estleg, who was dead in 1203, and whose widow, Edith, was then (as we have seen under Whixall [6]) impleaded for a virgate in Suleton.

[1] Inquisitions ad quod damnum, 1 Edw. II., No. 5.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 234.
[3] Compare Vol. V. p. 206.
[4] Domesday, fo. 252, b, 2.
[5] [6] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 352, 348.


The subsequent Tenants of Soulton were probably descendants of that Yvo de Suleton, who acted as an Attorney in 1200. He or another Yvo de Suleton has been seen attesting Sandford Deeds about 1230 and 1245. [1]

The Bradford Hundred-Roll of 1255 puts Suleton down as one hide, paying the proportionate sums of 4d. for stretward, and 4d. for motfee. Yvo de Suleton, "Lord of the vill", held it of Robert Corbet, and did suit twice yearly to the Hundred. [2] Here the Seigneury of St. Michael's was altogether forgotten.

In 1256 we have seen William de Lacon disseizing Ivo de Suleton of a right of common. [3] We have also, under Lacon, investigated the terms upon which Robert Corbet remained Mesne-Lord of Soulton and Lacon, after a trial with the Rector of St. Michael's. [4]

In 1257, 1272, 1276, 1278, and in March, 1281, Ivo de Suleton occurs on Jury-lists.

The Tenure-Roll of 1285 says that "Ivo de Sulton holds the vill of Sulton under Robert Corbet, and he under the King's-Chapel of St. Mary (read St. Michael), in Shrewsbury Castle". The latest notice I have of Ivo de Suleton is as a Juror on an Inquest of January, 1301. -

In January 1308, Thomas de Solton was fourth Juror on a Sandford Inquest.

About the year 1310 Andrew de Kendal attests a Whixall Deed as "Lord of Suleton". In May 1319 he was returned to the Parliament at York, as a Knight of the Shire; Richard and William de Sulton being his Manucaptors. Later in the year he acted as a Collector of Taxes and Scutage in Shropshire. [5] His position in the testing clause of a Deed dated at Prees, on April 14, 1320, is extraordinarily low for a person of such mark. In July, 1321, he attended a Parliament at Westminster as a Knight of the Shire for Salop, Richard and Walter de Sulton being his Manucaptors. On May 28, 1322, a Royal Commission issued at the suit of Hugh le Despenser, Earl of Winchester, as well as at the suit of the Crown, for trying Andrew de Kendal, who was indicted, with many others, for forcibly entering upon the Manors of Alstanfield (Staffordshire) and of Roston and Thurwarston (Derbyshire). [6]

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 225, 229.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 55.
[3] [4] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 354, 352.
[5] [6] Parliamentary Writs, IV. 1048.


Whitchurch, formerly Weston.

WITH respect to this Manor, Domesday has the following remarkable entry.-

"Wilhelm de Warene holds Westune of Earl Roger. The Earl Herald held it (in Saxon times). Here are 7 hides, geldable. In demesne are IIII ox-teams and two Serfs; and (there are) VI Neat-herds, XXIII Villains, IX Boors, and one Radman, with VIII teams, and yet XIIII more teams might be (employed) here. The Wood will fatten 400 swine, and therein are III Hayes. In King Edward's time, the Manor was worth 8 (per annum). Now it is worth 10". [1]

It is obvious that Weston must have been so called with reference to situation, but it would be difficult to point out any Manor, Mountain, or River, lying to the East of Whitchurch, and of sufficient importance to have given to the latter place a subsidiary name. On the other hand, Whitchurch lies on the extreme West of this part of Shropshire. Its position as bordering on the Marches of North Wales was important, and to that we may attribute its ancient name. The change from Weston to Whitchurch is still more easily accounted for.- The district was thinly provided with Churches. A Church, probably a spacious one, and built of white stone, was founded at Weston soon after Domesday. Such a thing was wondrous in the eyes of the Marchers. It happened over again at Oswestry; and so Album Monasterium, or Blancminster, became the names common to two important places in the same County.

A word now about Harold, son of Godwin, sometime Earl of Wessex, and sometime King of England. It was fitting that he who as King Edward's Lieutenant, had set his foot on the neck of Gruffyth ap Lewellyn, and who for a time was the reputed Conqueror of Wales, it was fitting that he should be represented on every part of the Border. But the jealousy of the Mercian Earls probably thwarted such pretensions, and Harold's only Shropshire estate was Weston.

Again William de Warren, the Domesday Lord of Weston, had no other Manor in Shropshire but this one. He had Manors in

[1] Domesday, fo. 257, a, 2.


twelve other Counties, but those he held immediately of the King. In many of them he had been preceded by Earl Harold. His greatest Fiefs were in Sussex and Norfolk.

I have traced the origin of William de Warren in a former volume. [1] He was Grandson of a Bishop of Coutances. He was Cousin-german to Ralph de Mortimer of Wigmore. He was more distantly related to the Norman Earls of Shrewsbury and Hereford, and to the Conqueror himself. His wife, Gundred, was a daughter of the Conqueror's Queen, by a previous husband.

Such were his pretensions and his influence, that William Rufus made him Earl of Surrey.

It is singular to find a man, of such antecedents and such a destiny, accepting an isolated feoffment in Shropshire, even under his Palatine Kinsman. His nearest estates elsewhere were in Oxfordshire. Chivalry, rather than covetousness, probably dictated his acceptance. William de Warren was called upon to take his post with others on the frontier of North Wales. He accepted the summons, and Weston became one of a series of fortified Castles which thenceforth guarded the Marches.

The descent of the Earls Warren and Surrey derives no new light from their association with Whitchurch. As a part of a nation's history it is well known already, and need not be repeated here. Their Seigneury at Whitchurch was recognized for more than two centuries after Domesday, but became at length little more than nominal. It ultimately vanished under a twofold influence;- the greatness of their Vassals, and the statutes which gradually undermined the very essence of feudal tenures by facilitating alienation.

The earliest known Vassal of the Earls of Surrey at Whitchurch was a Cadet of their house; but he does not appear before the elder male line of Warren was extinct, and the honours of the family had been carried by a female to Hameline Plantagenet, a natural brother of King Henry II.

This earliest known Lord of Whitchurch was-

WILLIAM DE WARREN, better known as WILLIAM FITZ RANULF. His relation to the elder line has never been ascertained nor, as far as I know, surmised. My notion on the subject is quite conjectural. William, second Earl Warren, he who died in 1135, is stated, on the best authority, [2] to have had three sons,- William, Reginald, and Ralph. William is well known as his father's successor and

[1] Supra, Vol. IV. p. 196.
[2] William, second Earl Warren, in a grant to Castle Acre Priory, mentions his son Radulf (Monasticon, V. 51, v.). Also a curious, and undoubtedly genuine, Charter to Lewes Priory, by the third William, Earl Warren (Monasticon V. 14, No. ix.), mentions his brothers Radulf and Reginald. Both attested the Deed, and Radulf took part in that symbolic process of investiture by which the Monks were put in seizin of the things conveyed,- viz. "Henry Bishop of Winchester cut a portion of hair from the head, not only of the Grantor, but of his brother Radulf before the High Altar of the Church of Lewes, at the time of the donation". It would seem that Radulf was the second brother. His appearance at Lewes on the occasion of the above grant must have happened between the years 1142 and 1147.


the last of the elder male line. Reginald became notorious as Lord of Wirmgay by marriage with its heiress. Of Ralph little has been recorded except his name, and little can be assumed except his aera. It is consistent with both to suppose him to have been father of William fitz Ranulf of whom we are now speaking. [1] If so, Ralph himself may have been, in his time, Lord of Whitchurch.

William fitz Ranulf (of Whitchurch) must not be confounded with either of two cotemporaries. There was a William fitz Ranulf of Alfreton, in Derbyshire, living in the reigns of Henry II. and Richard I. There was a much greater William fitz Ranulf, a Courtier and Justiciar in the time of Henry II., and who served the high office of Seneschal, or Chief Justice, of Normandy from 1178 to 1200, when he died. Leaving to the notes some particulars about these two persons, [2] I proceed with our proper subject.

The first sure appearance of William fitz Ralph of Whitchurch is, as William fitz Randulf, on the Shropshire Pipe-Roll of 1176, when he was Security for the Fine of his neighbour, the Lord of

[1] It is nearly certain that Ralph de Warren, the brother of the third Earl, had a son William. The following consecutive sentences occur in a recitatory Charter of the Monks of Lewes.- In Norfoiesa. Ad Estunam Ranuulfus de Warenna dedit nobis unam virgatam terrae. Ad Gelham dedit nobis Willielmus filius Rannulfi decimam terrae quam tenet Godvinus. (Monasticon, Vol. V. p. 14, No. vi.).
[2] Robert fitz Ranulf, father of William fitz Ranulf of Alfreton, and Sheriff of Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire, seems to have been one of those who were discharged from their Shrievalties for misconduct;- as exposed by the famous commission of Easter 1170. At all events it was not death which caused his retirement at that particular juncture, for he survived the murder of Becket (December 29, 1170), and lived to found Beauchief Abbey in memory of the Martyr. This will guard us from supposing that William fitz Ranulf, Robert's immediate Successor in the Shrievalty, was his son, above mentioned. The new Sheriff was quite a different person. He held his office as Sheriff from the summer of 1170 till Michaelmas 1180, discharging it in 1178, 1179, and 1180, by Deputy. Between 1170 and 1178 he is constantly found attesting Deeds of King Henry II. Out of ten such Charters I find three in favour of Shropshire Monasteries; but this is a mere accident and must not lead to the idea that William fitz Ranulf of Whitchurch was the Witness. The Courtier and actual Witness was also a great Justiciar. He began with a Forest Circuit in 1173, was a Justice in eyre in 1175, and in January 1176 was appointed to one of the first regular Circuits, as fixed by the Statute of Northampton.

The Pipe-Rolls of 1176 and 1177 show him to have visited, not only the Counties allotted to him, but others. In March 1178, when Richard Bishop of Winchester resigned the Chief Justiceship of Normandy, Williain fitz Ralph was appointed to the office. After this we hear of him no more in England. His latest attestation as "Seneschal of Normandy" is dated at La Roche d'Orivall, January 14, 1200, and in the course of that year he died.


Ightfield. [1] About the same time we have seen him as William fitz Radulf attesting a certificate of John le Strange (I.). [2]

On the Shropshire Pipe-Roll of 1193, the following oblatum is recorded, as paid.- Willielmus filius Rad' reddit compotum de dimid' marca pro habenda loquela quae est in Comitatu de Norfolk coram Justiciariis in partibus illis. In thesauro liberavit. Et Quietus est:- that is, William fitz Radulf of Shropshire, having a Norfolk Lawsuit on hand, wished it to be tried on the spot. Doubtless he had some feoffment in the large estates of the Earls Warren in the latter County.

I next recur to proofs, already given, that William fitz Ranulf was Lord of Dawley in Middlesex, and that he held it under Robert Corbet of Caus. These proofs extend from 1198 to 1201, and show the Tenant to have been skilled in Law. [3] I think that he practised in the Law-Courts even more extensively than this evidence would prove, but there may have been a cotemporary Civilian of the same name. His position, as a witness of Robert Corbet's grant to Buildwas Abbey (about 1198), is too high a one for anything less than a great Feudatory. [4]

Having established William fitz Ranulf's connection with Shropshire, Norfolk, and Middlesex, I now follow him to a fourth County, viz. Essex.- Haltesteda (now Halstead) in Hidingford (now Hinckford) Hundred, stands as a Manor of William de Warren in Domesday.
[5] From May 1199 till Easter 1200, I find continuous notices of a Suit pending between William fitz Ranulf and Richard fitz Peter, concerning a moiety of the Advowson of Halsted or Hausted in Essex. [6] The matter was settled by Chyrograph; how, I have not inquired. The relevance of the Suit to our main subject consists in the following grant of a moiety of the Advowson of Halstead, by William fitz Rannulf to the Shropshire Abbey of Lilleshall.-

Willielmus de Warein filius Randulfi, assensu heredum (meorum)

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 208.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 313.
[3] [4] Supra, VII. pp. 14, 17.
[5] Domesday-Essex, fo. 37.
[6] Rot. Curiae Regis, Vol. I. pp. 270, 309; Vol. II. pp. 57, 224.


dedi, etc. dimid' Ecclesie de Hantstude, que ad donacionem meam pertinet, pro salute anime mee et Emme uxoris mee, etc., ita quod ego et heredes mei presentabimus Abbati et Episcopo Vicarium perpetuum, qui secundum facultates illius medietatis competentem habebit Vicariam, arbitrio boni viri moderandam. Residuum vero usibus Canonicorum exhibebitur. [1]

That the Canons of Lilleshull did not eventually secure this grant is quite clear, but that result is quite consistent with the doubtful title of the Grantor.

His abortive Charter to Lilleshall was not the only one expedited by William fitz Ranulf of Whitchurch to a neighbouring Monastery. His grant to Combermere Abbey is for the health of himself, his wife, his children, and of Reinald de Warren, and for the souls of his father, mother, and all his ancestors. It seems to have conveyed lands in the neighbourhood of Branklow and Combermere to the Monks, while they released the Grantor from certain claims which they had on places called Cholestune and Leviethelcote. The Grant was attested by Adam fitz Roger, William de Withcheshale (Whixall), Wion fitz Landef, Philip de Erdentone, and William Clerk. [2] The Charter must have passed before the year 1186, inasmuch as William Malbanc, whom it names as an adjoining landowner, was then deceased.

In the year ending Michaelmas 1199, Geoffrey fitz Piers (Chief Justice of England) had issued a Writ to the Sheriff of Shropshire, under which the said Sheriff furnished 10 merks, out of the Crown revenues in his hand, to William fitz Rannulf "for the repair and emendation of his Castle of Album Monasterium".

At this point the means of tracing the succession of the Lordship of Whitchurch leave me. During the Shropshire Assizes of October 1203, William de Blancmuster sent an Essoignor, Hugh Harun, to excuse his attendance. A Patent of June 10, 1213, orders Robert de Vipont to give up Oswestry, Shawardine, and Eggelawe Castles to John Marescall, who is forthwith to consign the last-named Castle to William de Albo Monasterio. I cannot

[1] Lilleshall Chartulary, fo. 75.
[2] Monasticon, V. 326, No. VIII.- The boundary of the lands conveyed, commenced at a spot where the Grantor's lands were fenced off from the lands of William Malbanc, viz. under Bronchelau (now Branklow). Thence it passed to the top of Blakepulles (a piece of water which the Monks were to be at liberty to raise over 18 feet more ground); thence to Lefdiac; to Hortalebroc-bridge; to Havecthesmos; and thence straight to Hevetthelbecke (which was also a locality divided between the Grantor and William Malbanc), and so on to Combermere and to Dintesmere.


say whether this William was Lord of Whitchurch or only tenant of the then Lord. I cannot think that he was identical with William fitz Ranulf.

I must quote other documents with similar uncertainty.- A grant to Stanford Nunnery (Lincolnshire), which I suppose to be by the fifth William, Earl Warren, and so to have passed between 1202 and 1240, is attested by Radulf de Albo Monasterio. [1] Again a Writ of November 1217 shows one William de Albo Monasterio to have been disaffected, but to have returned to his allegiance. The ordinary precept for restoring his estates is addressed to the Sheriff of Essex. [2] In 1219 we have seen the Lord of Whitchurch, or at all events the Mesne-Lord of Calverhall, styled "William fitz Radulf of Blancminster". [3]

On November 8, 1221, a Fine was levied at Shrewsbury between William fitz Radulf, Plaintiff, and William de Blancmustier, Tenant, of a hide in Le, whereof the former had been claimant under a Suit of mort d'ancestre. He now releases his claim, for 4 merks paid by the Defendant.

The testing-clause of a Deed (already given under Broseley [4]) and which perhaps passed earlier than 1221, gives no clue to the above fine. "William de Warren and his brother Ranulf" attest the Deed, but whether William de Warren was identical with the Plaintiff or the Defendant in the Fine, seems problematical.

Again in 1235-6 we have had Matilda de Albo Monasterio alias Matilda de Blancminster as Lady of Dawley (Middlesex). [5] She, I take it, must have been widow of some Lord of Whitchurch.

On March 8, 1238, the Lord of Whitchurch at length occurs with a sure mark of identity. As William de Warren de Albo Monasterio, he is summoned by a Writ Close to attend the King at Oxford on April 20th following, there to confer on the truce with Wales, which would expire in a few months, and on the attitude assumed by Lewellyn, in causing his son David to receive the homage of the Welsh. [6]

On April 1, 1240, William Plantagenet, sixth Earl Warren, was deceased, and his son, John, was a Minor, in custody of the King. Coincidently his Tenant at Whitchurch, viz. William de Warren de Albo Monasterio, died, leaving a son and heir, William, of full age. The latter, at this juncture had of course to fine with the Crown

[1] Monasticon, IV. 263.
[2] Claus. I. 375.
[3] Supra, page 10.
[4] Supra, Vol. II. p. 14.
[5] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 14.
[6] Rot. Claus. 22 Hen. III., m. 16 dorso.


for livery of his inheritance. His Fine was 20 merks, and it secured the King's Writ to the Sheriff of Shropshire ordering his investiture in his late Father's estates; but the Sheriff was to retain the Castle of Album Monasterium till further orders. [1]

An Essex Feodary, drawn up about 1241-6, gives William de Blancmoster as Mesne-Lord of Mamged' (probably Manenden), which was held of the Honour of Warren for three-fourths of a Knight's-fee. About this time we have a Whixall Deed attested by Sir William de Albo Monasterio in the first, and by Griffin fitz William in the fifth, place. [2] The Lord of Whitchurch and his younger brother (afterwards of Ightfield) are, I presume, here represented.

A patent of March 13, 1258, directs James de Audley, John le Strange, and William Trussel to investigate the following matters, viz. "who were the persons who had recently slain William de Albo Monasterio, Seneschal of William de Albo Monasterio;- by whose orders the Murderers had acted;- and who had sheltered or entertained the said Murderers in defiance of the King's peace".

Perhaps the following suit, which was pending at Westminster on October 20, 1253, had reference to the affair in which the Seneschal of Whitchurch was slain. The Abbot of Combermere was prosecuting Roger de Barham, William de Stywell (Steel), and Hugh fitz Oweyn, for having, in company with William de Albo Monasterio, seized the Abbot's cattle. Another and cotemporary Roll places the Suit of trespass before the Queen in Council. Roger de Borham and Hugh fitz Oweyn had, it seems, gone, vi et armis to the Abbot's Granges of Smetheton, Farentil, and Hunnygrave;- had beaten the Abbot's men, etc.- Here the Sheriff's conduct was censured for not producing the Defendants, who, it was stated, had lands, and might easily be found. All I can further say of this matter is that in Hilary Term 1254, it was in the hands of Brother Anian de Makelesfel, as Attorney for the Abbot.

The Hundred-Roll of 1255 is very confused about Whitchurch. It intends, I presume, to register William de Warren (William le Waran') as Lord. The Manor preserved its Domesday hidage (7 hides). William de Warren held it under the Earl Warren. He had here his Park, and exercised a right of Free Warren, by a title unknown to the Jurors. He had withdrawn certain suit (what suit is not stated), 16 years ago;- thereby injuring the Crown at the rate of 4s. per annum. [3] His taking of Advowry-fees from

[1] Rot. Finium, I. 450.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 228.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 58, 59.


two Tenants at Calverhall has already been noticed as a presentment on the same occasion. In this instance the Lord of Whitchurch is called William de Albo Monasterio.

At the Assizes of 1256, and among the presentments of Bradford Hundred, I find a renewed reference to the murder of William de Albo Monasterio.- Clemencia, his widow, had challenged Kenewric Spicfat, Gyun Lowar, and Robert Seys, as the Murderers; and they had been outlawed in the Curia Comitatus. She had also challenged Robert de Campeden, Hugh de Graham, Robert de Eyton, and other Monks of Combermere, and William Brun, a servant of that house, for violent conduct (de forcia). Lastly she had challenged William, Abbot of Combermere, for assenting to, and ordering, the said violence. Now (at the Assizes) the Lady was not forthcoming. The Abbot was found not guilty of suborning (de precepto), the others were found not guilty of committing, any violence. [1]

William de Warren or de Albo Monasterio, Lord of Whitchurch, was deceased before June 11, 1260. A Patent of that date orders James de Audley (he was then Sheriff) to give Peter de Nevill custody of the Castle of Album Monasterium till June 24th following, "that in the mean time it might be discussed whether custody of the land and heir of William de Albo Monasterio, lately deceased, pertained to the said James de Audley or to John de Warren" (then Earl of Surrey).

A Patent of June 30, 1260, shows the point settled. John de Warren, as "Chief Lord of the Fee", is to have seizin of the Castle of Album Monasterium; so however as that Bertreia, eldest daughter of the deceased, should remain in such seizin of the aforesaid Castle as she had when it was delivered to the Justice of England. (The latter was acting as Viceroy, the King being abroad.)

Another Patent of July 23, 1260, shows that James de Audley and John de Warren were at issue about the guardianship of the heirs of Whitchurch, or at least about the custody of some of their estates. Commissioners are appointed to inquire about the disputed custody.

In 1272, Alienore, Joan, and Matilda, daughter and coheirs of William de Albo Monasterio were respectively the wives of Robert le Strange, William de Barentyn, and Robert de Brascy. The eldest daughter, Berta, took no part in a suit which her Sisters then had against James de Audley. [2] The reason of her indifference is probably connected with her incompetent state. She was

[1] Placita Coronae, 40 Hen. III., m. 7.
[2] Vide supra, Vol. IX. page 280.


imbecile, and her share of Whitchurch and of estates in Essex remained in the King's hands.

From a Writ of June 3, 1280, it appears that Ralph de Sandwych (a fiscal Officer of the Crown) had granted a lease of that fourth share of Whitchurch which was in the King's hand by reason of the idiotcy of Bertred fitz William. The Lessee was Bertred's sister, viz. Alianore, widow of Robert le Strange, who was to pay the King a rent of 17. 12s. for the said share of Whitchurch. The King now ratifies the arrangement. [1] I next find Bertred's death announced by a Writ of February 11, 1281, which describes her as Bertreya filia Willielmi de Blancmunster. At the Inquest which ensued, Bertha's fourth of Whitchurch was valued at 17. 12s. per annum. The service by which the Manor was held under the Earl Warren is curious.- The Lord of Whitchurch was to do duty as the Earl's Huntsman, at the will and at the charges of the said Earl. In Essex the deceased had held, under the same Earl, two carucates at Exstanes-ad-Montem, and other lands and rents in Parva Cavenel. Her whole Essex estate was valued at 19. 14s. 3d. yearly, and was held by service of one knight's-fee and a quarter. [2] The sisters and coheirs of the deceased, all upwards of 30 years of age, are described as Alianore le Strange, Johanna wife of Sir William de Barentyn, and Matilda wife of Sir William (read Robert) de Bracy.

I now return to speak of Elianor, originally the second but eventually the eldest of these Coparceners. Of her first husband, Robert le Strange, I have given full accounts elsewhere. [3] He died about August 1276. A Writ-Close of September 10, 1276, orders the Sheriff of Hampshire to give 30 librates of land and rents in Choulton to his widow, Alianore, till such time as her fair dower should be assigned. Another Writ of October 2, 1276, enjoins the Sheriff of Shropshire to restore the Manor of Whitchurch, and all things which had been taken therefrom since the Sheriff had seized it, to Alianore, widow of Robert le Strange, whose inheritance the King had found it to be. [4] Accordingly on the Pipe-Roll of 1277, Bogo de Knovill, the Sheriff in question, "responds for no issues of the lands of Robert le Strange in Albo Monasterio Warenne, [5] because he had surrendered them (to the Widow) according to the King's Writ".

[1] Rot. Finium, 8 Edw. I., m. 9.
[2] Inquisitions 9 Edw. I., No. 7.
[3] Supra, Vol. II. p. 120.
[4] Claus. 4 Edw. I., m. 4.
[5] That is Whitchurch-Warren;- so called in this Roll to distinguish it from Album Monasterium (or Oswestry) which was contemporarily an Escheat


Soon after this, Bevis de Knovill himself married the Widow.

The Feodaries of 1284-5 reduce the Coparceners of Album Monasterium to two.- "Bogo de Knovile in right of Alianore his wife, and Robert de Bracy in right of Matilda his wife, hold the said Manor with its members, viz. Hilton, Burthall, Wodhows, Magna Asche, Parva Asche, Tildstoke, Hethley, and Kempley, [1] of the Earl Warren, and he of the King in-capite, as a member of his Barony. Here there is held a free Court twice yearly, with pleas of bloodshed and hue-and-cry. Also they have Gallows, Market, Fair, and Warren, by an unknown title. Of the said Members, Nicholas de Audley holds Kempley, and John fitz Hugh holds the vill of Hynton under the aforesaid Bogo and Robert".

John le Strange, eldest son of Robert le Strange by Alianore de Blancminster, has been sometimes styled Lord of Whitchurch, but with great inaccuracy. This youth was born and baptized at Whittington on September 16, 1266. In September 1287, being then in custody of Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, he made proof of his age, and had livery of his paternal inheritance. [2] Within two years (as I have shown under Wrockwardine) he died without issue. Consequently he was never seized of Whitchurch, for his Mother was living, then and afterwards.

At the Assizes of October 1292, Bogo de Knovill was in default as regarded attendance. He and his wife Alianore were presented as exercising free-warren in Whitchurch; and he and Robert de Bracy for holding a Wednesday's Market, an annual Fair, and other franchises in the same Manor. They came forward, and as to the Market they exhibited a Charter thereof, granted by King Richard I. to "William fitz Ranulph, ancestor of their wives Alianore and Matilda". Hugh de Louther followed up this presentment with his suit of Quo Waranto, respecting free-warren, fair, market, wayf, and pleas of the crown; but he only sued Bogo de Knovill (printed Hugo de Ovonill) and Robert de Bracy (printed Bray) and their respective wives. They evaded a direct issue by pleading their Coparcenery with Johanna widow of William de Barytyn, which Johanna was still living. She was summoned from Middlesex to meet the Justices at Lichfield in January 1293. She sent her attorney, and, acknowledging her Coparcenery, joined in her Sister's defence. The question of Market had already been settled, that of Fair was now dropped. As to the other things the Defendants pleaded the "immemorial usage of their Ancestors ever since the

[1] Now Hinton, Broughall, Woodhouses, Ash Magna, Ash Parva, Tilstock, and Kempley. Hethley seems to be lost.
[2] Inquisitions, 15 Edw. I., Num. 74.


Conquest". Hugh de Louther denied the fact of such usage in general, or that (without a special Charter) it could authorize weyf. The first point, usage, was left to a Jury of the Country, the last to judgment coram Rege.
[1] How the case ended I cannot say.

I cannot determine the precise period of Alianore de Blancminster's death. I think she must have been living in 1301, for her husband on February 10, 1301, signed the Barons' Letter to Pope Boniface as Bogo de Knovill, Dominus de Albo Monasterio, and his signature was followed by that of his Stepson, Fulco le Estraunge Dominus de Corfham,- titles which were, one of them inapplicable, the other insufficient after Dame Alianore's death. However the Lady was deceased before June 1306, as we shall presently see.

My object in thus endeavouring to establish the proximate date of her death is with reference to her Monument. She was buried by some extraordinary chance at High Ercall. Her Monument consists of a slab of grey marble, sometime inlaid with a fleury cross and two shields of Arms, but the brasswork of these is gone. Her Epitaph remains.- DAME ALIANORE LISTRANGE DE BLANCMISTER GIST ICI. DIEU DE SA ALME EIT MERCI.

Bogo de Knovill survived his wife, but, not having had issue by her, retained nothing of her inheritance. He probably retired to his estates in Gloucestershire. His latest Summons was to a Parliament to be holden at Carlisle on January 20, 1307. King Edward's Writ of Diem clausit announcing his death bears date at Burgh on the Sands, July 6, 1307. [2]

Meantime Fulk le Strange, second son, and now heir, of Robert and Alianore, was seized of one-third, and had purchased the reversion of another third, of Whitchurch. A Fine was levied on June 12, 1306, whereby Robert de Bracy and Matilda his wife (Plaintiffs) allow their gift of one-third of the Manor of Whitchirche-Warrene to Falco le Estraunge and his wife Alianore (Deforciants). The latter restore the premises to the Grantors for their lives,- to hold by payment of a rose-rent, and by render of all capital services;- with reversion to Fulco and Alianore and the heirs of Fulco.

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 Fulco Extraneus is entered as sole Lord of Album Monasterium. At his death in January 1324 the Inquest found him to have been seized of the whole Manor. He had held it of the Earl Warren, "by service of taking the venison throughout the Earl's lands in England, at the charges of the said Earl".

"The Manor of Whitchurch was charged with a rent of 10s. per

[1] Quo Waranto, pp. 680, 720.
[2] Rot. Finium, 35 Edw. I, m. 1.


annum payable at Lady-Day and Michaelmas, and a rent of one sparrow-hawk, or 2s. payable on August 1, to the King's Manor of Aderdeleye". This was perhaps for Calverhall. Also Fulk le Strange had charged one of his four Mills with a life annuity of 6 merks in favour of a certain Richard de Leylond. [1]

An Inquest of July 12, 1824, shows the latter payment to be questioned by the King, probably as Guardian of Fulk le Strange's heir. It was however found that Richard de Leylonde was seized for life of 6 merks rent arising from Whitchurch Mill. He had the said rent by a grant of Fulk le Strange, and had enjoyed it for six years before the death of that Baron. The Jurors explained that both the Manor and Mill of Whitchurch were held, not of the King in capite, but under the Earl Warren, and by service of taking the Earl's venison, in all the Earl's English estates, and at the Earl's charges. [2]

Henceforward the history of Whitchurch was involved in the well-known history of the Barons Strange of Blackmere. The following Fines levied by John, son and heir of the above Fulk le Strange, relate exclusively to Whitchurch. By a Fine of April 24, 1334, John le Strange and his wife Ancarett (represented by her attorney, Griffin de Lee) concede the right of Bartholomew de Berdefeld, Parson of Ightefeld, to the Manor and Advowson of White-churche. The said Trustee settles the same on John and Ancarett, with entail upon the heirs of John.

By another Fine of July 8, 1347, John le Strange of Whyte-church and his wife Ancarett, have the Manor of Whitchurche settled on themselves for their lives, with remainder to Fulk, son of John, and the heirs of Fulk by his wife Elizabeth; but in default of such heirs, to the right heirs of John.

AS TO UNDERTENANTS in Whitchurch or its members, I have not a word more to say. The exclusive jurisdiction, maintained by its Lords, probably kept the internal affairs of the Manor thus secret.

One or two Cadets of the Warrens of Whitchurch have been already mentioned, as for instance the Lords of Ightfield, and that Ralph de Albo Monasterio whose heir was Mesne-Lord of Waranshall in 1285. [3]


There was not any Church here at Domesday, but no one was less likely than the first William de Warren to suffer such a need to

[1] Inquisitions, 17 Edw. II., No. 73.
[2] Inquisitions ad Quod Damnum, 17 Edw. II., No. 68.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 268.


remain. He who listened to the Councils of Lanfranc, and founded, first the Priory of Lewes, and afterwards that of Castle Acre, must be judged by such a standard rather than by the ridiculous story invented by the Monks of Ely against his memory. [1]

We have seen that, whenever founded, this Church was so notable as that it served to change the very name of one of the two largest Manors in Odenet Hundred.

The Taxation of 1291 values the Church of Album Monasterium (in the Deanery and Archdeaconry of Salop) at 13. 6s. 8d. per annum. [2]

In 1341 the Assessors of the Ninth reduced this Taxation to a Parochial tax of 12. The reasons given would seem to have been sufficient for a much larger reduction. A third of the Parish was in Cheshire, and a part of it in Flintshire, which Counties were not included in the present assessment. [3]

The Valor of 1534-5 gives 50 as the gross income of John Talbot, then Rector of Whytechurche. His outgoings were 4s. 4d. for annual synodals; 6s. 8d. for procurations; 4s. for procurations at the (Bishop's) triennial Visitation; and 4. 13s. 4d. for the Salary of a Chaplain serving the Church of Merbury. [4]

The old Church of St. Alkmond fell down in the reign of Queen Anne. Its windows are recorded to have been adorned with the following armorial insignia. [5]-

1. Gu. a few between six cross crosslets or (Beauchamp).

2. Quarterly.- First and fourth. Gu. a lion rampant or (Fitz Alan); second and third, Chequy or and az. (Warren and Surrey.)

3. Gu. a lion rampant or (Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel).

4. Chequy, or and az., a fesse Gu. (Warren, [6] differenced.)

5. Gu. a fesse componee arg. and sa. between six cross crosslets fitchee or (Beauchamp, differenced).

6. Gu. a lion rampant within a border engrailed or (Talbot).

7. Or, frettee Sa.

8. Gu. frettee or.

9. Gu. a cross fleury or.

10. Gu. a saltire arg. and gu.


JACOB TAUNCEYS (probably Fraunceys), parson of Whitchirch, had letters of protection in 25 Edw. I. (1296-7). [7]

[1] Dugdale's Baronage, I. p. 74.
[2] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247.
[3] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 183.
[4] Valor Eccles. III. 185. Some account of the Parochial Chapel of Marbury may be found in Mr. Duke's Antiquities of Shropshire (Appendix, p. lxxiv.).
[5] Harl. MS. 2129, p. 177.
[6] Perhaps Warren of Whitchurch.
[7] Prynne, III. 716.

THE OLD CHURCH OF ST. ALKMOND, WHITCHURCH. (Which fell down, July 31, 1711).

[For engraving, see pdf.]


MASTRR JOHN DE KNOUVILL, Rector of Whytchurch, has a year's license of non-residence, studendi gratia, dated March 19, 1310. The License is renewed on January 23, 1311, and the Rector is enjoined to distribute 40s. before Pentecost among the poor of his Parish. On September 24, 1331, the same Rector has a two-years' license of non-residence, and leave to demise his income to a fitting person, with due regard to the cure of souls. He died March 13, 1337, and on April 5 following-

BARTHOLOMEW DE BERDEFELD, Priest, was admitted at the nomination of Griffin du Lee, agent for Sir John le Strange of Whitchirche, Knight. By Patent of April 1, 1337, King Edward III. confirms to Bartholomew de Berdefeld, Rector of Whitchurch, the donation which Fulk le Strange de Albo Monasterio had made to God, to St. Mary, to St. Alkmund, and to the Rectors of St. Alkmund's of Album Monasterium, viz. a parcel of land called La Withianes-kghe, with a vivary adjacent thereto;- to hold, as the said Bartholomew and his predecessors had held it beforetime. [1] On October 1, 1354, this Rector has license for non-residence till Easter "that he may go to Oxford, and stay there, to take medicine". He died on June 3, 1358. On June 8, 1358-

ROBERT LESTRAUNGE, Clerk, was admitted, at presentation of "Dame Ankaret, Lady of Blakemere and Whitchurche". From June 25, 1358, to September 21, 1358, an exchange was being negotiated between this Rector and-

NICHOLAS DE DOVATON, late Rector of Brikhull Magna (Linc. Dioc.). On February 25, 1368-

JOHN DE LUDLOWE, Priest, was instituted;- the King presenting as Guardian of the heir of John le Strange. On June 5, 1393-

THOMAS STANLEY, Rector of Whitchurch, exchanges preferments with-

SIR THOMAS WALFORD, late Rector of Bourne (Cantuar. Dioc.), and Prebendary of Llandewy in the Collegiate Church of Abergwilly (Menev. Dioc.). The latter is presented to Whitchurch by Sir Richard Talbot of Irchenfeld and Blakmere.

ROGER DE THRISK was instituted to Whitchurch December 6, 1409, at presentation of the noble woman (honesta mulier) Ankaret Talbot, Lady of Blakmere.


[1] Patent. 11 Edw. III., p. 8, m. 13.


Cheswardine and Chipnall.

Domesday enters these two places as constituting a single Manor in the Staffordshire Hundred of Pireholle, and as held immediately of the King by Robert de Stafford.-

"The said Robert holds, in Ciseworde and in Ceppecanole, two hides; and Gislebert holds of him. The (arable) land is (enough) for VI ox-teams. In demesne are II teams, and (there are) XII Villains and VIII Boors with 3 teams. Here is one acre of meadow; and a wood, two leagues long, and half a league wide. The Value (of the Manor) is 40s. (per annum). Godeva held it (in Saxon times); but from Ceppecanole she used to pay 2s. to the Church of St. Chad". [1]

Godeva, Saxon Lady of Cheswardine, was of course the Countess Godiva, and the Church, which had a rent-charge on Chipnall, probably granted by herself, was Lichfield Cathedral.

How this Manor was severed from the County and Barony of Stafford, we cannot tell. We shall see that Robert, third Baron Stafford, looked upon the change as a wrong to himself.

Meanwhile we learn that Cheswardine was in the hands of Henry I., and came to the hands of Henry II. as a Royal Manor, whose value bore the proportion of 4 to the total of 265. 15s., which constituted the reputed fiscal income of the Royal Demesnes of Shropshire.

Before Michaelmas 1155, the King had granted Cheswardine to Hamo le Strange. The revenue thereof is assigned to him on the Pipe-Roll of 1156 in the usual form- Et in terris datis Hamoni Extraneo 4 lib. This continued till Michaelmas 1159. At Michaelmas 1160 the correspondent entry is- Et Johanni Extraneo 4 lib. in Chesewurda. The fact is that Hamo le Strange had died without legitimate issue, and his elder brother John, already Tenant-in-capite of Nesse, was heir of Cheswardine. Thus things stood when, in 1165, the return, known as the Liber Niger, was made.- The Schedule of Robert, Baron Stafford, includes Cheswardine, as a Knight's-fee, which John le Strange was withholding from him. [2]

[1] Domesday, fo. 248, b, 2.
[2] Cheswarda;- feodum unius militis quod Johannes Le Estrange ei difforciat (Liber Niger, I. 188).


Notwithstanding the remonstrance thus implied, Cheswardine continued to be held by the family of Le Strange for ages. In 1167 the Vill, being amerced half a merk by Justices of the Forest, is styled Chesworda Johannis Extranei. In 1169 the amercement was paid.

I propose to enter fully into the origin and history of the House of Le Strange under Ness. Still it may make some details, which belong exclusively to Cheswardine, more intelligible, if I premise that the tenure in capite of Le Strange of Ness and Cheswardine was by service of 1 knighte-fees, and that Cheswardine constituted the half-fee.

The great event of John le Strange's connection with Cheswardine was his grant of the Advowson thereof to Haughmond Abbey. The best abstract of the original grant runs as follows, but needs some explanation to rescue it from a suspicion of forgery.

Omnibus finis Sancte Dei Ecclesie, Johannes Extraneus, salutem. Noscant tam posteri quam moderni me donasse pro salute Regis Henrici et heredum suorum, et mea, et heredum meorum et pro anima Regis Henrici et predecessorum suorum et meorum, et in perpetuam elemosynam concessisse advocacionem Ecclesie de Cheswordyn, Monasterio de Haghmon et Canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus, ita libere et quiete sicut aliquis predecessorum meorum eandem unquam liberius et quietius habuit. Et ut donacio ista firma et immutilata permaneat, presentis carte attestacione confirmo. Teste Willielmo filio Willielmi Alani, et Johanne filio suo, et Wydone Extraneo; Willielmo de Baucis, Alano de Hedlee, Willielmo fratre suo. Valete. [1]

The general inferences from this Deed are,-

(1). That it is a grant by John le Strange (I.), and so earlier than 1178;-

(2). That it is an offering for the well-being of King Henry II., and the soul's-health of King Henry I.;-

(3). That it cannot have passed earlier than 1170, when the second William fitz Alan was only 16 years of age.

The difficulty is, that the Deed appears to be attested by John fitz Alan, known to have been unborn at the time (11708), and only a younger son of his father, as long as that father was living. The only explanation of all this is that the second witness was not intended to be represented as the son of William fitz Alan (II.), but the son of the Grantor, John le Strange (I.).

[1] Harl. MS. 3868, fo. 9, collated with Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 43.


There is another grant of this Advowson by John le Strange (I.), but open to the same objection. I give it in a note. [1]

That Haughmond Abbey, before the 14th of May 1172 (and whether by written charter or otherwise) had acquired both the Church and Mill of Cheswardine, we know from Pope Alexander's confirmation of that date. It confirms (inter alia) Ecclesiam Sancti Swythini de Chesewardyn, and ex dono Johannis Extranei, molendinum de Cheswardin.

We have further the Confirmation of Bishop Peche, which from its testing-dause must have passed in or before 1172, and wherein "Richard, by Divine grace, Bishop of Coventry", confirms to Haughmond Abbey the Church of Cheswordyn "as the Charter of John Extraneus doth testify. Witnesses,- Roger, Archdeacon of Salop; William, Dean of the Church of Lichfield; Nigil the Almoner; Master Robert de Haye; Master Terric; Master Geoffrey de Lenton; Walter de Tilesberia; Alan de Hydesh' [2]; Richard de Dalham [3]; Herbert, Canon of the Church of St. Chad, Salop".

JOHN LE STRANGE (II.) succeeded his father in 1178-9. We have an abstract of a Deed which I think must have passed immediately on his succession.-

Johannes Extraneus, omnibus, etc. Noveritis me concessisse (to Haughmond Abbey) ecclesiam de Cheswordyn, quam Johannes Extraneus pater meus dedit, pro salute Regis Henrici et heredum, et pro salute mea et heredum, etc. Teste, Hamone fratre Johannis Extranei, etc.

In 1189 the Fermor of the King's Manor of Trentham (Staffordshire) deducts 8s. 8d. from his liabilities, on account of pasture, which the King (Richard I.) had conceded to John le Strange. This entry was renewed for years on the Staffordshire Pipe-Rolls, but rather as an annual charge on the general ferm of the County, than on Trentham in particular.

In April 1200 John le Strange fined 20 merks "for having his bosc of Chersworth out of regard, and that it might not be

[1] Omnibus filiis Sancte Dei Ecclesie, Johannes Extraneus, salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse et confirmasse in perpetuam elemosynam Deo et Sancto Johanni Evangeliste de Haghmon et Canonicis, ibidem Deo servientibus Ecclesiam de Cheswardin cum omnibus pertinenciis et libertatibus suis, in bosco et plano et pratis et pascuis et aquis, liberam et quietam ab omnibus terrenis consuetudinibus, pro salute Regis Henrici et heredum suorum et pro salute mea et heredum meorum. Hiis testibus, Willielmo filio Willielmi filii Alani, et Johanne filio ejus; Widone Extraneo, Willielmo de Baucis, etc. Valete.
[2] Probably Hydeshall or Idsall.
[3] Afterwards Dean of Lichfield.


afforested, and that no one might take anything therefrom save by his leave". [1]

This procured King John's Charter, dated at Windsor, on April 16th, exempting John le Strange's bosc at Cheseword', which bosc was called Suthle, from all suits of the forest, and from forestage, and exactions of Foresters, and from regard. [2]

The Feodary of 1211 says that "John Extraneus holds the Manors of Nesse and Chesew'rthin, by grant of King Henry II., and owes the service of one knight,- which Manors are want to render at the Exchequer 11. 10s". [3] There are two inaccuracies in this statement. The Scutage-Rolls prove that Ness and Cheswardine were held by service of knights'-fees. Again the reputed fiscal value of Ness was 7. 10s. and of Cheswardine was 4; but neither Manor had paid a farthing to the King's Exchequer for 50 years preceding the date of this Feodary.

John le Strange (II.) was deceased in 1237-8. In 1197-8 he had acquired Knokyn Castle by arrangement with his Cousins, the heirs of Guy le Strange. This will explain, and serve to date, his second Charter to Haughmond Abbey. It passed between 1198 and 1210, probably about 1209.-

As John Extraneus, he gives to the Abbey, a whole fourth part of the vill of Chesewordin, with the Advowson of the Church, and a right of common throughout his demesnes there; also the whole land of Norslepe, with the Upper Vivary, near his Castle of Knokin. Witnesses,- William fitz Alan, John his son, Hormus le Strange, Warin de Burwardesley, and William de Lankes (whose name is probably miswritten).

JOHN LE STRANGE (III.), succeeding to his father, in or before 1237-8, is entered on a Feodary of 1240, as holding fees in Chesewardin and Nesse, of the King in capite. [4]

In the Bradford Hundred-Roll of 1255, Cheswardin is entered as a Manor of half a hide, a difference from the Domesday estimate, for which the grants to Haughmond Abbey will hardly account. John le Strange now held the Manor, of the King in capite, by service of half a knight's-fee. He did suit to the County but not to the Hundred. He exercised Free-Warren, and had a Park at Cheswardin, by warranty unknown to the Jurors. [5]

On March 26, 1269, this great man, the third Chief of a House whose history had been remarkable for longevity, activity, and

[1] Oblata, page 59.
[2] Rot. Chartarum, page 45.
[3] [4] Testa de Nevill, pp. 56, 45.
[5] Rot. Hundred. II. 58.


loyal steadfastness, had made way for his son, John le Strange (IV.), who on that day did homage at Westminster.

There are two Charters of John le Strange (III.) to Haughmond Abbey, which relate to Cheswardine. In one, styling himself John, son of John le Strange, he recovers the land of Norslepe, by giving the Canons a virgate at Cheswordin in exchange, which virgate was held by Helias the Priest, Henry the Beadle, Richard de Golston, and Ernod fitz Reginald. This Deed was attested by Robert de Girros, and probably passed about 1240. [1]

Some Ancestor of John le Strange had, it seems, made a grant to Haughmond Abbey of land at Lytcham, in Norfolk. This too was recovered by "John le Strange tercius", who gives to the Canons in lien thereof a noke of land at Chesewordin, viz. that which Henry fitz Aldred held. This Deed, attested solely by Sir Fulk de Orreby, probably passed in 1260-1.

It seems that Cheswardine was one of the estates which John le Strange (III.) settled in fee on his younger son, Roger. I think that it may have been in his Father's lifetime, and between the years 1260 and 1265, that-

ROGER LE STRANGE, "Lord of Cheswardine", confirms to Haughmond Abbey its previous acquisitions in this Manor. The Deed was attested by Robert de Cheyne, Sir Odo de Hodnet, and Roger de Pinelesdon, Clerk.

In October, 1280, an Extent was made of Cheswardine in common with Roger le Strange's other estates at Childs Ercall, Ellesmere, and Hampton. The Lord of Cheswardine held 44 acres and two Mills in demesne. For the latter he paid a rent of 6s. 8d. to William de Chippeknolle, [2] and 6d. to the Lord of Tirley, [3] and 6d. to the Lord of Golston. [4] Among the Tenants of Cheswardine were Richard Forester (holding 1 virgates, at a rent of 9s. 4d. and 4 hens), and William de Chippeknolle (holding 2 virgates). The whole income of the Manor was 6. 14s. 8d. [8]

The Tenure-Roll of 1285 says that "Roger Extraneus holds Cheswardyne with its members, viz. Magna Sowdeley, Parva Sowdeley, Westumscete, Chipernoll, and Hull, of John le Strange; [6] and he (holds) in capite: but the aforesaid Roger shall do the service

[1] Chartulary, Tit. Cheswordin.
[2] This must have been for some tenement, surrendered by the Feoffee, all but the said rent.
[3] Now Ralph le Botyler of Wem.
[4] Goldstone was not really a member of Cheswardine, but of Childs Ercall (supra, Vol. VIII. p. 18).
[5] Forest Rolls, Salop. No. 14.
[6] That is John le Strange (V.) of Ness.


of one knight's-fee to the King. He has here his free court, and holds Pleas of bloodshed and hue-and-cry, and has Warren, and these (franchises) he has used". At the Assizes of 1292 the Bradford Jurors presented these franchises as exercised by Roger le Strange.- Hugh de Lowther followed up the presentment with his Writ of Quo Waranto, as to Pleas-of-the-Crown and wayf. Roger le Strange replied, stating that wayf, infangthef, etc. were necessary adjuncts of those two Great Courts, and of that View-of-Frankpledge, which were his by right. [1] He called John le Strange to warranty, and the cause was repeatedly adjourned. In Easter Term, 1293, John le Strange appeared coram Rege, and vouched the required warranty. He produced Henry II.'s Charter of Cheswardine, with its liberties, to Hamo le Strange, "his antecessor, whose heir he was".-

An abstract of this important Charter is preserved on the Plea-Roll, and not, that I know of, elsewhere. I venture to fill up an hiatus or two, and so to determine its chief contents.-

"Henricus Rex Anglie, et Dux Normannie et Aquitanie et Comes Andegavie, etc. Sciatis me dedisse Hamoni Extraneo, Chedewordam cum pertinenciis, que reddebat IV Libras tempore Regis Henrici avi mei, in excambium VII libratarum terre quas dederam (idem Hamoni) de dominio meo de Wellintona priusquam Rex essem;- ad tenendum ipsi et heredibus suis de me et heredibus meis, in feodo et hereditate per servicium dimidii feodi militis", etc.-

John le Strange now argued that the scope of the word pertinenciis in the above Charter must be determined by the immemorial usage of his Ancestors: and Hugh de Louther once more replied that view-of-frankpledge, wayf, and infangenthef, being integrals of the Crown, could not be conveyed in any but special terms. [2] I find many adjournments, but no decision of the point.

On July 24, 1304, Roger le Strange obtained the King's Charter for holding a weekly Market at Cheswarthin, on Mondays, and also a yearly Fair of three days' duration, viz. the eve, the day, and the morrow, of the Translation of St. Swythin. [3]

The testing-clause of a Deed, already noticed, [4] proves that about the year 1307 there was a-

JOHN LE STRANGE OF CHESWARDINE, distinct from John le Strange

[1] Quo Waranto, p. 720.
[2] Coram Rege, 21 Edw. I., 36 dorso.
[3] July 14, 15, and 16. This is a good instance of the theory that Fairs and Wakes were usually sought to be held on the anniversary of the Patron Saint of the Parish Church.
[4] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 21.


of Childs Ercall. Both of them must have been Feoffees of Roger le Strange, then living. The Inquest taken in 1311, on Roger le Strange's death, does not extend to his Shropshire estates, which were all probably settled. John le Strange is entered as Lord of Cheswardine in the Nomina Villarum of 1316. He was, as we have seen, illegitimate, but he had power to settle Cheswardine, subject to his own life, on Hamo, a younger son of Fulk le Strange of Blackmere, thereby disinheriting his own sister Lucia.- The Fine whereby this was effected was levied by Royal precept on Nov. 12, 1315. John Lestraunge of Cheseworthyn (Plaintiff) first allows a gift of the Manor to Fulk Lestraunge (Deforciant). Fulk then returns it to John, for his life, with remainder to Hamo, son of Fulk, and to the heirs of the said Hamo;- to hold of the King.

Hence in the Inquest taken Oct. 22, 1330, on the death of John Lestrange of Cheswardine, it was found that he had died seized of nothing in demesne. The Manor of Cheswardine he had held in capite, for half a knight's-fee, under a grant thereof by Fulk le Strange, for his life. It now remained to Hamo, son of the said Fulk, and to the heirs of Hamo. We now hear for the first time of Cheswardine Castle. The Jurors reported it as a fortress of little strength (debiles). [1]

Hamo le Strange died without issue, so that his heir was his elder brother John le Strange of Blackmere. It must have been the latter Baron who, on January 30, 1333, obtained a Charter of Free-Warren for his demesnes at Cheswardine, Whitchurch, Corfham, Wrockwardine, Sutton, Betton, and Longnor. [2] Afterwards Cheswardine descended to the Talbots, Earls of Shrewsbury, as Heirs general of Le Strange of Blackmere.

UNDERTENANTS. The Sprenghoses were Le Strange's Tenants at Longnor.- A branch of the family seems also to have had some feoffment in Cheswardine. One Engelard Sprenghose gave land in Chesewurthyn to Lilleshall Abbey. A Rent-Roll of the 13th century states the said land to be productive of 18d. per annum. The following Suit of mort d'ancestre was tried at the Assizes of 1272. Emma, wife of Richard de Acton, and Christiana, wife of Hugh le Joef, as daughters and heirs of Margery, late wife of Hugh Keweschache, sued Richard de les Bigges and his wife, Emma, for a messuage and half-bovate in Chesewardin. [3] The result does not appear.

HAUGHMOND ABBEY FEE. At the Assizes of 1292, Hugh de

[1] Inquis. 4 Edw. III., No. 18.
[2] Rot. Chart. 7 Edw. III., No. 41.- The grant also extends to the Manors of Chalkton (Southants), Beggeworth (Gloucestershire), and Merbury (Cheshire).
[3] Assizes, 56 Hen. III., m. 11 dorso.


Louther had a brief of Quo Waranto against the Abbot of Haghmon for one Mill and two virgates, and one bovate of land in Wrockwardine and Cheswardine,- all claimed by the Crown as the sometime seizin of King Henry II. The Mill (that of Allscott I presume) the Abbot proved to be his by grant of Henry II. As to the land (here put at virgate and 1 bovate), it was decided by Jury that the Abbot had the better right thereto. [1]

A similar claim by the Crown on the Advowson of Cheswardine, met with a like fate. The better right was found to be the Abbot's. Hugh de Louther affected that Henry III. had presented one John fitz Geoffrey to the Church. [2]

On March 26, 1324, the Abbot of Haughmond demises land in Cheswardine, and the reversion of land, held by Richard le Poynour, Vicar of Cheswardine, to William de Compton and John his son.

The receipts of Haughmond Abbey from Cheswardine at a later period have been given under Naggington. [3]

CHIPNALL. One Thomas de Chipnoll occurs as Manucaptor for John le Strange in 1250.

In Michaelmas Term 1260, 18 Jurors of the Vicinage of Chippeknol reported to the Curia Regis that Thomas de Chippeknol and others, accused, by Juliana and Margery, widows of Robert de Alvideleg and William fitz Luke, of having murdered their said husbands, had indeed slain those two men; but that they were felons and fugitives, and had been slain, after raising the hue-and-cry against them (as was the Custom in the realm of England), and while they were resisting.

The following suit of Easter Term 1271 relates to land in the Staffordshire Manor of Muckleston.- Alan de Campyun sued Thomas de Clipknol, and Alice his wife, and Roger Friday, and Matilda his wife, for a messuage and half-virgate in Mocliton. The Defendants said the Plaintiff had no ingress, save through William Grulbe, who was only Lessee for a term (now expired), under Philip Campion, the Plaintiff's Grandfather. The cause was adjourned, Roger Friday, as sole tenant, accepting the whole defence.

[1] Quo Waranto, p. 683. The real question, sought to be raised by the Crown-Lawyer, was probably whether the Stranges had unlawfully alienated any part of a tenure in capite. The Abbot's appeal to a Jurata patriae was a dexterous avoidance of the question of law: for the issue of "quis habeat majus jus" was determinable by the Jury alone.
[2] Quo Waranto, ibidem. The vacancy of the Abbacy of Haughmond, concurrent with the wardship of a Fitz Alan, might have entitled the Crown to such a presentation as that alleged; but I cannot find it on the Patent Rolls.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. page 18.


William de Chipenol occurs as a Juror and Landholder in the Inquest of 1280.

HULL. This member of Cheswardine probably gave name to the family of Richard del Hull, a Juror on the same Inquest of 1280.

MAGNA AND PARVA SUDELEY. The Forest-Roll of 1180 shows that, previously to John le Strange's Fine with King John, all this district was reckoned to be within jurisdiction of the Shropshire Forests. For instance, the men of Sulleia were assessed 16s. for as many acres of wheat, the men of Goldestan 2s. for 2 acres of wheat, Alan of Goldestan 1s. for 2 acres of oats, and the men of Cipenol 1s. for the same.

Under High Ercall we have had repeated hints that the Lords of that Manor held Sudeley, or part thereof, under the Lords of Cheswardine. [1] In Sept. 1256 John fitz Aser and Margery his wife have a writ against John de Ercalew for disseizing them of a free tenement in Suthleg.


There is no symptom of a Church existing here at Domesday, and I should think that the district must have originally belonged to some great Staffordshire Parish. We have seen however that the Church both existed, and had been given to Haughmond Abbey, before the year 1170.

The Taxation of 1291 shows how much more permanent than the secular boundaries of Counties were the original ecclesiastical divisions. Chesewurthyn was still reputed to be in the Archdeaconry of Stafford. The Church, as appropriated by Haughmond Abbey, was valued at 6. 13s. 4d. [2] What Bishop had granted this appropriation I do not discover, but Bishop Langton, being at Pitchford on April 26, 1320, alludes to his Visitation of Haughmon in "MCCCXLVIII" (read 1318 or perhaps 1315), at which he found the Church thus appropriated, and the Abbey sufficiently authorized in such appropriation by its Muniments. We know in fact that on July 2, 1315, the Bishop himself had allowed the Convent to apply the income from this Church to the clothing of the Brethren.

The Ordination of the Vicarage was not settled in writing till Dec. 7, 1337. [4] All the small tithes, except of the meadow of Robert Clerk of Chippenol, were to go to the Vicar. He was also to have the Manse and messuage wherein he now resided, and the land

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 87, 89, 94.
[2] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 242.
[3] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 297.
[4] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 44.

[For map, see pdf.]


which had originally been assigned for the maintenance of a Deacon. The Vicar was to cause the Church to be served by a Chaplain, a Deacon, and other fit ministers, and was to provide the books, vestments, and utensils, appertaining to the Chancel. He was also to bear all Archidiaconal and ordinary charges.

In 1341 the Assessors of the Ninth placed this Parish in the Shropshire Deanery of Newport. They rated it at 5. 6s. 8d., computing that 1. 6s. 8d. of the Church Taxation represented income not now assessable, to say nothing of oblations, which were also irrelevant. [1]

The Valor of 1534-5 omits all notice of Cheswardine as a Parish Church; neither does the Abbot of Haughmond's return include any receipts from the Rectory.

The following meagre list of Incumbents creates a suspicion that, under the infamous system of appropriations, the appointment of a Vicar was left very much to the option of the Canons of Haughmond, and that the Vicarage was too poor to make the Bishops eager to exercise a right of lapse.


JOHN FITZ GEOFFREY, said to have been appointed by Henry III.

SIR JOHN DE DUNSTON, Vicar, died Aug. 7, 1316.

RICHARD LE POYNOUR, Chaplain, instituted Oct. 6, 1316, at presentation of Haughmond Abbey. This Vicar occurs in 1324.

JOHN DE GADERNE was Vicar in December 1337.

RICHARD BRED occurs Oct. 31, 1395.

BROTHER THOMAS DE LUDLOWE, Canon of Hereford, was instituted in September 1459, at presentation of the Abbey.

Bascherch Hundred.

WE have now to deal with Bascherch Hundred proper, as distinct from those isolated detachments thereof which have already been tabulated and dismissed. [2]

With these exceptions the all but general rule is, that, in the

[1] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 198.
[2] Supra, Vol. II. pp. 258-9.


[For table, see Bascherch]

13th Century, Bascherch Hundred was represented by the Hundred of Pimhill; while now in the 19th Century, it is represented mainly by the Hundred of Pimhill, but partly by the Liberties of Shrewsbury. The proved exceptions are that Sleap Magna, Moreton-Corbet, and a part of Preston Brockhurst (which part is in Moreton-Corbet Parish) have been annexed to the Hundred of Bradford North, and that Ruyton-of-the-Eleven-Towns has been annexed to the Hundred of Oswestry.

With these Rules before me, I have, in arranging the annexed Table of the Domesday Hundred of Bascherch, taken some liberties with the Record.- I have discharged Weshope from the Domesday Hundred of Bascherch, being sure that it was Westhope in South Shropshire, and that it should have been entered by the Domesday scribe as in Lenteurde Hundred, I have also discharged a Manor called Estone, being sure that it was Aston, near Oswestry, and must have been in Mersete Hundred. I should similarly have


discharged a second Estone, and a Manor called Cheneltone, from Bascherch Hundred; but, not being clear about the identity of eiiher place, I should not know in what other Hundred to place them. It may still be a question whether they ever belonged to Bascherch Hundred.

On the other hand the strict letter of Domesday places two Manors (Eslepe and Sudtelch) in Culvestan Hundred. The first, being certainly Sleap Magna (near Loppington), I have scheduled in Bascherch Hundred. I have similarly transferred Sudtetch to the list of Bascherch Manors, not that I can identify it with any Manor so situated, but because it follows Eslepe in the Domesday Record, and naturally falls under the same marginal correction. [1]

I may now turn to give some account of the Hundred of Bascherch, postea Pimhill;- of its general jurisdiction, that is, irrespective of all questions of detail touching its changed area and limits.-

In Edward the Confessor's time, the Hundred-Court was held at Baschurch. The revenues of the said Court were divided in the proportion of two to one, between the King and the Earl of Mercia. Earl Roger de Montgomery, being a Palatine Earl, had, in his day, the whole profits of the Hundred. At the forfeiture of Earl Robert, King Henry I. became Lord of the Hundred, but inasmuch as the Manor of Baschurch had previously passed to Shrewsbury Abbey, the Hundred-Court was henceforth held at Pimhill.

The earliest Shropshire Assizes, of which there remains any detailed Record, were held in the Autumn of 1203. The Hundred of Pemhull is entered as attending by its Jury and making the ordinary presentments. The same process is recorded on the Assize-Roll of 1221. The murder of Richard de Hadenhal, and the flight and outlawry of the supposed murderer, formed the only matter of presentment.

At the Inquisitions of Hundreds in 1255 the twelve Jurors of Penbenhull chiefly confined their report to the tenure of the various Manors in their district, the withdrawal of Suits, from County and Hundred, by certain Manors, and the exactions of the King's Foresters. They further stated that the Sheriff realized a ferm of 100s. per annum from the Hundred of Penbenhull. [2]

At the Assizes of January 1256 the Hundred of Pemenhull attended by its twelve Jurors, and Robert Slenge was its Chief-Bailiff. Among the Crown-Pleas was a challenge against Fulk fitz Warin,

[1] Vide supra, Vol. V. page 1.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.


urged by William, son of William fitz Philip, whose brother, John, had been slain. The Court could not enter on a matter which appeared to have taken place in Walcheria, and on the other side of Oswestry.

At the Assizes of September 1272, Richard de Dudmaston, as Chief Bailiff, appeared with twelve Jurors, for the Hundred of Pemenhul. They stated their Hundred to be a Royal demesne, and valued it at 40s. per annum.

At the Inquest of Hundreds, in November 1274, the Jurors of Pemenhul said that their Hundred was in the King's hand, that during the time of Sir John le Strange (i.e. during his Shrievalty) it used to be put out to farm at a rent of 40s., but that now the rent was 5 merks (3. 6s. 8d.), which was its true value. The Jurors complained that, ever since the Battle of Evesham (1265), the Bailiffs of this Hundred had levied from 6d. to 1s. on every vill in their jurisdiction, whenever they received any royal mandate which necessitated summons of the freeholders for gaol delivery or other purposes. The successive Bailiffs, thus charged, were Thomas Dod, Hugh de Byritone, Adam Co * * *, John de Dudlebury, and Richard de Dodemunstone. In other parts of their report, the Jurors named John de la Hulle, Hugh Galle, William fitz Richard of Astley, Richard de Franketone, William Bryd, and Reyner Twychemare as extortionate Bailiffs, guilty of diverse acts of oppression. [1] Probably most of these persons were Under-Bailiffs. Some further facts, elicited by this Inquest, shall be given in connection with the persons or localities to whom, or to which, they refer.

At the Assizes of 1292, Hugh de Rossall appeared with twelve Jurors to answer for the Pleas of the Crown and other matters connected with Pymhull Hundred. The Jurors now valued the Hundred, or Bailiwick, at 8 merks per annum; and said it was the King's. Their further presentments related to Defalts of attendance, claims of Free-Warren, withdrawal of suits, alienations of lands which were held in capite, the state of Serjeantries, the condition of Montford Bridge, and the criminal business usual to such occasions. [2]

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. pp. 104-106.
[2] Placita Coronae, 20 Edw. I., mm. 70-72.



RAINALD the Sheriff was Lord of eleven Manors in the Domesday Hundred of Bascherch. Of these Hadnall was one, and was held by Osmundus under Rainald.-

"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Hadehelle, et Osmundus de eo. Goduinus tenuit. Ibi IIII hidae, geldabiles. In dominio est una carruca, et II bovarii, et VI Villani, et unus Bordarius, et II Francigenae, cum III carrucis, et adhuc IIII carucae possent esse. Ibi silva XL porcis incrassandis. T.R.E. valebat LX sol.; et post X sol.; modo XX sol". [1]

Osmund, as far as chronology is concerned, may well have been father of that William, whose son Gilbert was Lord of Hadnall at the accession of King Henry II. (1154). Hadnall consisted of five vills, viz. Hadnall, Hardwick, Shotton, Haston, and Smethcott. The aforesaid Gilbert, wishing to benefit Haughmond Abbey, gave thereto the whole of Hardwick, and a moiety of Hadnall. The Grant was fortified by confirmations of the Seigneural Lord (then William fitz Alan I.) and of King Henry II. The series of Charters which illustrate this gift may be taken to have passed between 1155 and 1158, and are not less remarkable for their form and language than for their antiquity. First we have Gilbert de Hadnall's Deed, in a recitatory form, and speaking of Hardwick only.-

Omnibus filiis Sanctae Ecclesiae salutem in Christo. Scitote Gilbertum filium Willielmi de Hadenhale dedisse Deo et fratribus Ecclesiae Sancti Johannis Evangelistae de Haghmon, terram de Herdewica inperpetuum, solam et quietam omnibus serviciis et redditibus, excepto denario Sancti Petri: insuper in nemoribus, et in planis et in aquis, et in omnibus locis quorum propriis domibus necessarium fuerit, sine vastacione. Quod si eorum proprius famulus examina in nemore suo invenerit, dimidiam partem eis concedit, si totumn concedere non placuerit. [2] Hoc totum fit med concessione. Hiis testibus,

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, a. 2.
[2] If a servant of the Abbey found a hive of bees in any tree within the wood of the Abbey, then the Grantor allowed half the produce to the Abbey, unless he should be pleased to allow it all. I presume that the word examina refers to the produce of a swarm of bees, rather than to the swarm itself; for the bee-keepers of those days probably knew, as well as we do, that one-half of a divided swarm must needs be useless, as wanting a Queen.


Willielmo de Hedlee; R. de Asthope; Tihel de Lahtune; R. Sacerdote de Nortuna; Waltero nepote Werri; Petro, et Waringo filiis Asae, mercatoribus; et Reinero; et omnibus aliis hominibus qui ibi affuerunt ubi Sanctum Johannem saisiavit. Valete. [1]

I have called the above a Deed of Gilbert de Hadnall himself. It may possibly be an abstract of a Confirmation by William fitz Alan (I.). The following is undoubtedly a Confirmation by that Baron.-

Omnibus prelatis Sanctae ecclesiae, Willielmus filius Alani salutem. Notum vobis Gilbertum de Hadenhale concessisse atque dedisse fratribus Hamonensis ecclesiae, Herdewicam et Aldetonam et Haman, in elemosynam, me presente et concedente;- preterea totius nemoris sui, quantum ipsius est communitatem, ad omnia quibus indiguerint ipsi Canonici;- et ipsum eundem Gilbertum de Hadenhale, cum eisdem terris prenominatis solide et quiete ab omnibus serviciis atque redditibus, absque denario Sancti Petri, perenniter concessisse atque dedisse, me presente et concedente et testante, cum hiis aliis, scilicet, Ricardo de Marchemaslega, Alano filio Oliveri, Rogero Puher, Hugone filio Alberti; Johanne Straunge, cum duobus fratribus ejus, Wydone et Hamone.

King Henry II.'s Charter implies not only a strengthening of title, by the formula of surrender to the Lord Paramount, but an imcrease of the grant.-

Henricus, etc. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse, in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosynam, Canonicis Hamonensis ecclesiae ad sustentacionem eorum totam Herdewikam cum medietate villae de Hadenhale, quae Gilbertus dedit in manu mea in Salopesburia; qui Gilbertus tenuit Hadenhale cum omnibus pertinenciis suis.

In 1172 we have Pope Alexander's Bull, confirming to the Abbey "Heordewice as the gift of Gilbert de Hedereshale, by consent of William fitz Alan, his Lord".

It is uncertain whether Gilbert Anglicus, who in 1165 was holding a Mutator's fee in fitz Alan's Barony, was identical with Gilbert de Hadnall or not. In 1167 the Vill of Hedenhola was amerced half a merk by the Justice of the Forest. Gilbert de Hadnall left an only daughter and heir, Leticia, who became the wife first of Nigel Banastre, and afterwards of William Hose, or Hussey. By Nigel Banastre she had two children, William and Alice. Soon after the death of Nigel Banastre, and while yet a Widow, "Leticia,

[1] All Charters, quoted under Hadnall, without specific references, are from the Haughmond Chartulary (Titles, Hadenhale; Hauston; Herdewike; Smethecote).


daughter of Gilbert de Hadenhale, gives to her daughter Alice, towards her marriage, one virgate in Hauston, viz. that which the Grantress held in her hand, when Nigel Banastre, her husband, died; and which, when dying, he had requested her to concede to Alice". A rent of 2d., to the Grantress and her heirs, is reserved. This Deed, which passed between 1182 and 1201, is attested by Robert le Poer, Henry his son, Wido de Shaubury, Helias de Gulidon, and Gilbert de Leton.

Soon after this, and on the actual marriage of Alice Banastre with Roger fitz Peter, her mother, stepfather, and brother, concurred in doubling her marriage portion.- By one Deed "William Hose and Leticia his wife, at the request of William Banastre, son and heir of the said Leticia, give to Roger fitz Peter, in frank-marriage with Alice, Leticia's daughter, two virgates in Hauston, viz. one which Dame Avelina held, and one which Richard fitz Oliver held, saving in all things the tenant-right of the said Avelina and her heirs". A rent of 4d. is reserved on this grant, and it is attested by Wido the Chaplain, Reiner de la Lee, and Stephen de Pymbeley.

Between the years 1203 and 1206 "William, son of Nigel Banastre, confirmed the said two virgates, given in maniage of his Sister; Witnesses,- William Hose, Reginald de Tyrne, and Richer de Shawbury".

WILLIAM BANASTRE (I.), some time between the years 1204, and 1220, and while his Mother Leticia was yet alive, married Emma, widow of Simon, and mother of Roger de Jagdon. At the Assizes of 1221 William Banastre was found to have disseized Hugh de Rushal, and Hawise his wife, of a tenement in Adenhal. In another case he acknowledged himself to have disseized Thomas de Le of a tenement in Hadenhal. In October 1282 he was deceased, leaving a son and heir, William, and his wife Emma, still surviving.

The Charters of William Banastre (I.) are as follows.- About 1216-1220 he gave to Haughmond Abbey all the land of Caldenhall, as bounded by the road between Herdewike and Smethcote. Witnesses,- Sir Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph; William Hose; Reiner de Acton; Wido de Hadenhale; Roger de Jagedun; and John, son of Thomas le Strange.

About the same time "William Banastre conceded and confirmed to the same Abbey, for the souls' health of himself and his ancestors, all the land of Herdewyk, with all liberties and common rights in his wood, and other advantages. Witnesses,- Sir John fitz Alan,


Robert de Gyrros, Vivian de Roshale, Thomas his son, Thomas de Lee, Reyner de Hactun, Stephen de Pimpeleg".

About the same time "William Banastre conceded, gave, and confirmed, to Roger de Hauston, [1] for his homage, and for a rent of 8d., 22 acres in Aldelega. Witnesses,- Sir John fitz Alan, Vivian de Rosshall, William de Ercalewe".

About 1220-1224, "William Banastre gave, to the support of the poor at the Gate of Haghmon Abbey, a rent of 12d., arising from land at Hauston, formerly held by Walter Citharist, and now held by Geoffrey de Egebaldeham, who consented to the proposed transfer of his rent. Witnesses,- Vivian de Rosshale, Thomas his son, Baldwin de Hodnet, Robert de Acton, Alan de Bureton, Thomas de Lee, William de Balderton".

Within the same interval "William Banastre gave to the same purpose, for the souls' health of himself, his son Laurence, and all his friends (parentum) the whole service of Wido de Hadenhale, viz. 2s. annual rent, receivable from a virgate in Hadenhale, held by the said Wido, which rent was now thus transferred with Wido's goodwill and assent. Witnesses,- Vivian de Rossale, Thomas his son, Baldwin de Hodenet, Odo his son".

Again, "William Banastre gave to the same purpose, for the souls' health of himself, his wife Emma, and his son Laurence, half a virgate in Hadenhale, held by Robert Swist, and half the assart-land of the said Robert. Witnesses,- John fitz Alan, Vivian de Rosshale, Thomas his son".

Again, "William Banastre gave to the same purpose, 12d. rent of the land which Alan held in Smethecote. For this the Canons paid one merk. Witnesses,- William de Ercalwe, William de Stanton, Philip de Peninton, Alan de Burton".

Afterwards, as it seems to me, "William Banastre gave to the Abbey the half-virgate itself which Alan held in Smethcote. For this the Canons paid 20s. down, and 4d. rent was reserved to the Grantor. Witnesses,- William de Ercalowe, William de Stanton, Alan de Bructon, Philip de Peninton".

Again, "William Banastre gave and conceded, to the same Abbey, 16 acres near the culture of Scotwelle, and all the land which lay between the fields of Herdewyk and the Vivary. Witnesses,- Master Philip de Madeleg, Alan de Bureton, Robert de Acton, Wydo de Hadenhall, Thomas Crasset".

Again "William Banastre gave to the same Abbey a right of

[1] His brother-in-law,- before called Roger fitz Peter.


common-pasture in all his fee of Smethicote and of Hauston, and of Hadenhall, and of Shotton, for all the Abbots working cattle at Grileshul (Grinsell) and at Herdevrike. Witnesses,- Alan de Bureton, Reiner his son, Thomas de Lee, Robert de Acton, Wido de Hadenhale, Thomas Cresset".

The following Deeds I suppose to have passed about 1280, or near the close of William Banastre's career.- Wido de Hadnall, his tenant, having made a grant to the Abbey, "William Banastre confirmed it; for which the Canons presented him with a white horse. Witnesses,- Richard de Hadleg, Walter Hoscotus (read Hosatus), Richard Corbet, Wido de Hadnall, William my son".

Lastly, "William Banastre gives to the Abbey, together with his body, all his share of the bosc of Hedenhale. Witnesses,- Wydo de Hedenhale, Roger Cook, Richard Baker, Richard le Hare, Adam the Hospicer, and William the Porter". [1]

EMMA, widow of William Banastre (I.), had some difficulty in obtaining her dower. We have heard of William de Drayton, a Prebendary of Wroxeter, and his son Alan. [2] This William having obtained feoffment of two virgates in Shotton, transferred them to the said Alan: but in Michaelmas Term 1232 Emma, widow of William Banastre, had impleaded Alan fitz William for the same as her dower, and Alan had called his father, William de Wrocestre, to warranty. The latter argued that Emma had no right to dower in the premises, for that Leticia, her husband's mother, was seized thereof at the time of Emma's marriage, so that her husband, not being seized, could not have granted such dower. Emma replied, allowing the above fact, but adding that her husband gave the said dower with consent of his mother, Leticia. The Court left an issue for a provincial Jury, viz. "Whether William Banastre on the day of his espousals did so grant dower with his Mother Leticia's consent". The result of this suit I cannot discover. Richard fitz William, another Feoffee in Shotton or Hadnall, seems to have been Defendant in a parallel suit (loquela conrelata).

WILLLAM BANASTRE (II.) was probably quite young at his father's death. It is he however, who is entered on the Feodaries of 1240 as, together with his Partners, holding half a knight's-fee in Hadenhale, Hauston, Swetton (Shotton), and Smethecot, of the Barony of Fitz Alan. [3] In the Hundred-Roll of 1255 Hadenhale maintains its

[1] These witnesses, being chiefly domestic servants of the Abbey, imply that the Grantor was dying at the time, and within the precincts of the Abbey.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 316.
[3] Testa de Nevill, pp. 44, 47, 49.


Domesday measurement of four hides. William Banastre held the same of the fee of John fitz Alan, doing the service of one Knight at Oswestry in war-time. The Manor did suit to County and Hundred, and paid 8d. per hide for stretward and motfee; [1]- the usual assessment for Manors in Pimhill Hundred. At the Assizes of 1256 William Banastre is named as seventh Juror for Pimhill Hundred. The waste condition of William Banastre's wood, as reported at the Forest Assize of 1262, shows Hadnall to have been within regard of the Wrekin Forest.

A debt of 12d. pro plevina is recorded on the same Roll against William Banastre de Acton; but I do not know why William Banastre of Hadnall should be thus described. In December of the same year William Banastre was Foreman of a Leaton Jury. In March 1272 the services due from William Banastre in respect of half a knight's-fee in the Barony of Fitz Alan were assigned to the King as Guardian of young Richard fitz Alan.

At the Assizes of 1272 William Banastre was amerced for some failure in punctual appearance; but it is doubtless he who, as William Balastre, and with Thomas Dod, was Elizor for Pimhill Hundred at the same Assizes.

Of the Charters of William Banastre (II.), the most important is his confirmation of all his father's and ancestors' gifts, sales, and concessions to Haughmond Abbey. He here styles himself "William Banastre, son of William Banastre", and enumerates the following grants, viz. Herdewyce; Caldenhalle; 16 acres near Schottewell; the land between Hardewyk-fields and the Vivary; a moiety of Hadenhall wood; the half-virgate and assart once held by Robert Swist; the service of Wydo de Hadenhale on one virgate; a messuage, croft, and 6 acres which Heming once held in Hadenhale; [2] common-pasture in Smethcote, Hauston, Hadenhale, and Shotton; and 12d. rent from Walter Citharist's land in Hauston. Witnesses,- Sir Robert de Gyrrois, Hugh fitz Robert, William de Hedleg, Roger de Pivelesdon, then Sheriff, Thomas Huse, Master Richard de Kagworth, and Wydo de Hadenhale. Other Charters of William Banastre (II.) will be quoted hereafter, as mere confirmations of the acts of his Tenants.

In May 1274 a William Banastre sat as seventh Juror on a Mulford Inquest; and in the Hundred-Roll of November 1274 William Banastre is named sixth of the Pimhill Jurors. This

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] This was, in the first instance, Wido de Hadnall's gift, but it had been confirmed by William Banastre (I.).


person, we may be sure, was WILLIAM BANASTRE (III.), son and heir of him who was living in 1272. A Tenure-Roll of Pimhill Hundred, drawn up about 1279, says that "William Banaster holds Hadnall of John fitz Alan [1] by service of half a knight's-fee in war-time". [2]

William Banastre (III.) must be he who occurs as tenth Juror on a Shrewsbury Inquest in 1277, and as eighth Juror on a Chetwynd Inquest in April 1281.

About the same time, styling himself "William, son of William Banastre of Smethcote", he gives the Canons of Haghmon leave to take heath and gorse from his land for their Grange at Grinsill. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas Botterell, John de Lee, Reiner de Acton, knights; Roger de Preston, Martin de Burhton, Philip de Peninton, Reiner de Lee, Thomas de Muridon. This Deed further defines the boundaries of the Canons' field at Hardwick, called Hethfeld.

William and Richard Banastre occur as first and fifth Jurors on a Bicton Inquest in January 1291, and as first and eleventh Jurors on a Besford Inquest in December 1291. [3] Richard Banastre I conceive to have been afterwards of Smethcote, and a younger brother of William. William, son of William de Hadenhale, was reported by the Pimhill Jurors as not punctual in attendance at the Assizes of 1292. Possibly William Banastre (III.) was the person alluded to. At these Assizes the Abbot recovered 16 acres in Hadnall Wood against William Banastre. On July 20, 1293, the Abbot and William Banastre came to an agreement about Hadnall Wood.- "William quitclaimed the Abbot's moiety, and the Abbot quitclaimed William's moiety, saving the 15 acres which he had already recovered therein. Witnesses,- John le Strange, Reyner de Acton, knights; Roger de Preston, Richard de Leton, Richard, son of Robert de Asteley, John Husee of Balderton".

On July 24, 1308, William Banastre and Richard, Abbot of Hagmon, settled by indenture further disputes about lands, wastes, heaths, boundaries, and common-rights in the fee of Hadenhale and Herdewyk. John le Childe, Richard Horde, John Husee, Thomas de Withinton, Robert de Preston, William de Oteley, and Robert de Bureton, attested the agreement.

[1] The Roll contains several repetitions of this anachronism, but corrects itself, more than once speaking of the Seigneury of Isabel de Mortimer (John fitz Alan's widow) and once of Richard fitz Alan (his infant heir).
[2] Roll, in possession of the Author.
[3] Inquis. 19, 20 Edw. L, Nos. 64, 68.


In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 William Banastre is entered as Lord of Hadenhale Parva.

On October 1, 1318, certain disputes, about a fourth part of Hadnall Wood, were settled by John, son of Reiner de la Lee, of the one part, and the Abbot of Haghmon and William Banastre, of the other part. The latter concede 40 acres to John de Lee, who quitclaims the remainder. Witnesses,- John de Warren, John Husee, and John de la Lee of Roden.

I will not attempt to give any later and connected account of the Banastres of Hadnall. In the fourteenth century there were three families of Banastres, styled respectively of Hadnall, of Smethcote, and of Yarton. I cannot say how they were related, nor indeed which was the elder line. Their importance at Hadnall gave way to that of the Lees. Nevertheless they continued to have negotiations with Haughmond Abbey concerning lands in Hadnall; the substance of which negotiations will be given at the end of this Chapter.

I would here point out that in 1353, the actual possession of the Manor of Hadnall was in John Corbet and his wife Matilda, and three others, but that such possession was terminable with the life of the said Matilda. The reversion was in Agnes, wife of Thomas, son of Thomas de Lee of Stanton; but the said Agnes and her husband concurred in settling it on the Banastres of Yarton in a mode already pointed out. [1]

I would further remark that a Feodary of 1397-8 names John Lee as Tenant of half a knight's-fee in Hadenhale in the Barony of the late attainted Earl of Arundel. [2] My Pedigree of the Lees will not account for any John Lee at this period, [3] and I suspect that, as regards some of the Tenants' names, the Feodary in question was copied from some much older document.

The FEOFFMENTS and SUBTENURES which existed in Hadnall and and its members were numerous, and introduced several families of importance into the Manor.

TENEMENT OF ROGER FITZ PETER.- Roger fitz Peter, afterwards called Roger de Hauston, married Alice Banastre, as we have seen, about 1203-6, and obtained with her two virgates in Haston, one held by Dame Avelina, the other by Richard fitz Oliver. [4] A rent _ of 4d. was reserved to the Banastres on this grant, and a further rent of 8d. was reserved on 22 acres in Aldeleg, which William

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 302.
[2] Calend. Inquis., Vol. III. p. 223.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 295.
[4] Supra, page 46.


Banastre (I.) subsequently granted to Roger de Hauston. Dame Avelina's life-interest had been specially reserved in one of the above virgates. She proves to have been Roger de Hauston's grandmother. After her death and about the year 1230- "Roger de Hauston, with the consent of William Banastre his lord, and of Richard (de Hauston) his own son and heir, enfeoffed one Wido de Westbury, in the virgate, late his Grandmother Avelina's, and also in a messuage and 22 acres, which William Banastre had given to the said Roger. A rent of 14d., and a payment of 14 merks down, procured this feoffment, which was attested by Sir Thomas Corbet, Sir William Pantulf, Robert de Girros, and Vivian de Rossall".

"William Banastre" (I.) "confirmed this purchase of Wido de Westbury's and quitclaimed all his right therein. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas Corbet, Richard Corbet, Roger de Eston, and Alan de Burton". It must not be assumed that the 8d. rent, which William Banastre had originally reserved on this tenement, was annihilated by this quitclaim. He had himself given it to William de Wroxeter, or to Alan his son.

About the year 1236 Wido, here called son of Herbert, Chaplain of Westbury, gave to Haghmon Abbey the virgate and twenty acres, which he had purchased from Roger de Hauston, reserving all capital services (that is, the Abbey was to pay 14d. rent to Roger de Hauston). Witnesses,- Thomas de Rossall, Thomas de Lee, Wido de Hadenhale, Walter Huse, Alan de Bureton, Alan le Poer.

Next to this, we have a Deed, showing Roger de Hauston resigning all his mesne right in Hauston to the Abbey; that is, not only the 14d. rent due on Wydo de Westbury's tenement, but the rent, whatever it was, which was due to him on Richard fitz Oliver's virgate. In other words- "Roger de Hauston, with consent of Richard his son and heir, gives and confirms to the Abbey all the land which he had in Hauston in marriage with Alice his wife, viz. 2 virgates, formerly held by Wydo de Westbury and Richard fitz Oliver; also he gives those 22 (sic) acres in Hauston, all which premises were contained in the Charters of Leticia, formerly Lady of Smethcote, and of William Banastre, her son and heir. The Abbey is however to pay 4d. rent on the two virgates to the heirs of William Banastre, and 8d. rent on the 22 acres to Alan, son of William de Drayton. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Roshale, Walter Huse, Thomas de Lee, Alan de Bureton, Reiner (sic) de Hadenhale, and Thomas Cresset".

Contemporary with this Deed is the Confirmation thereof, by Richard, son of Roger de Hauston, who calls the above William


Banastre (I.) his Uncle (avunculum), and speaks of the marriage of his father, Roger, and his mother Alice. This Deed also reserves the same rents as the last, except that the persons entitled to such rents are described as "the heirs of William Banastre of Smethcott", and as "Alan de Drayton son of William the Chaplain". The Deed is attested as the last, except that Wido de Hadenhale is substituted, and no doubt correctly, for Reiner de Hadenhale.

Again, we have the almost contemporary Confirmation of William Banastre (II.). As "William, son of William Banastre, he confirmed to the gate-alms of the Abbey, two virgates already given by Roger de Hauston and Richard his son, and once held by Wydo de Westbury and Richard fitz Oliver, together with 22 acres, in Hauston. This Deed retains rents of 4d. to the Grantor, and of 8d. to Alan, son of William de Drayton. Witnesses,- Sir Robert de Gyros, William de Hedleg, Reiner de Acton, and Wido de Hadenhale".

There are two later Confirmations by William Banastre (II.), in one of which, calling himself "William Banastre, son of William Banastre of Smethcote", he quitclaims the 4d. rent heretofore reserved to himself on two virgates. By the others, as William Banastre he makes the tantamount concession of 2 virgates, etc., to hold to the Abbey, "freely, quietly, and without any reclaim of his". This Deed must have passed about 1252-3, being attested by Sir Thomas de Rossall, Sir Vivian his son, Sir Thomas de la Lee, Thomas Botterell, John de Moreton, Martin de Bureton, Richard de Petton, and Roger de Leton.

We have now traced to Haughmond Abbey the Fee-simple and mediate rights to all the estate once held by Roger de Hauston and Alice Banastre, except that I cannot find Alan de Drayton's rent of 8d. thus brought up. It probably descended to the Lees, one of whom married Alan's daughter, Petronilla, and who already had an estate in Hadnall;- of which I propose next to speak.-

TENEMENT OF LEE, BOTTRELL, AND CHEYNEY. Reyner de Lee, Thomas de Lee, and John de Lee, already alluded to under Aldon, Chatwall, Berrington, Hunkington, and other places, have each in turn been seen attesting the Hadnall Deeds of the 13th century. How they first became enfeoffed here, I cannot say. About 1235-40, "Thomas de Le gave pasturage in all his fee of Hadenhall to the Canons of Haghmon, for their working cattle at Grinsill. Witnesses,- John fitz Alan, Thomas de Rossall, Hugh de Rossall, Alan de Bureton, Wido de Hadenhale".

We have seen that Thomas de Lee was alleged to have entailed


on his younger son, Reyner, 6 messuages, one carucate, and 3 virgates in Hadnall, but that the grant was not an entail on Reyner and the heirs of his body, and did not preclude alienation. [1]

In November, 1249, Wido de Hadnall, of whose name we have had such frequent repetition, was deceased without issue. His widow, Petronilla, who was perhapa a Lee, is said, on good authority, to have married Thomas Botterell. If so, it must have been between the years 1249 and 1253 that Thomas de la Lee granted lands in Hadnall to Thomas Botterell and Petronilla his wife.

About the year 1280 the son and heir of Thomas de la Lee, calling himself "John, Lord of La Lee", gave to Sir Thomas Botterell, knight, and to Petronilla, his wife, and their heirs, a certain assart near Hadnall Wood, which Robert de Hauston held, which lay near Richard le Woodward's assart, and contained 60 acres. For this the Grantees were to pay a peppercorn rent, if the Grantor came to require it, at their house of Hadenhale. Witnesses,- Sir Robert Corbet, Sir Reyner de Acton, William Banastre, Roger de Preston.

There are many indications of Sir Thomas Botterell having been resident at Hadnall. It was there probably that his son John died in 1281, as elsewhere alluded to.
[2] If Thomas Botterell's wife, Petronilla, was a Lee, it is probable that she was Sister of Sir John de Lee, whose second wife, Alice Bottrell, was, I also think, a sister of Thomas Bottrell. It is extraordinary however that Petronilla, after being the childless wife of Wido de Hadnall for 20 years, should appear as the Mother of Thomas Bottrell's son. Such was however the case.

On May 1, 1297, "John, son and heir of Sir Thomas de la Lee, confirmed to Richard Botterell, his (John's) father's donation to Thomas Botterell and Petronilla his wife, of lands which they held in Hadnall; together with a parcel of land, called La Lye, which Richard's mother, Petronilla, had previously held under the Grantor;- to hold to Richard and his heirs, as Petronilla held it, viz. by a rose rent. Witnesses,- Sir Richard de Harley, Ralph de Arras, knights, John de Upton. Dated at Aston Boterel".

On May 20, 1318, "Richard Botterel sold to Hugh, son of Roger de Cheyney, all his lands and tenements in Hadnall-juxta-Asteley;- to hold under the superior Lords thereof. Witnesses,- Richard le Childe of Diddlebury, etc".

On November 3, 1320, Robert de Rodene, of Hadnall, and his wife Isabel, daughter of Roger Holiday, gave a seylion in Hadnall

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 300.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 395.


to Hugh de Cheyne. Witnesses,- William Banastre, Roger de Leton, Roger de Wollascote, John de Smethcote, Roger Banastre.

On a previous page will be found the provision made by Nicholas Abbot of Haughmond, on April 5, 1336, to found a Chantry for Hugh, son of Sir Roger de Cheyne. [1] On April 8, 1336, Hugh de Cheyne gives to the said Abbot a messuage in Hadnall, and an assart called Botterels-bruche;- to hold of the Lords of the Fee. Witnesses,- Sir William de Ercalwe, Robert Corbet of Morton, knights; and Richard Huse.

A duplicate Deed conveys all the Grantor's land in Hadnall to the Abbot, and is additionally tested by Roger Tromwyn, Richard Horde of Walford, Philip de Peninton, and Stephen de Rossall.

There is also a Release from Hugh de Cheyne to the Abbot, dated June 17, 1336, and attested by William de Ercalwe, Robert Corbet of Morton, and Walter de Hopton, knights. Then there is the same Hugh's appointment of William de Smethcote as his Attorney to give the Abbot seizin.

On April 10, 1336, an Inquest ad quod damnum was held as to Hugh de Cheyne's more apecific proposal of giving a messuage, a virgate, and 21 acres, in Hadenhale, to the Abbey. It seems that the mediate interest of the Lees had vanished from this tenement, which was found to be held sine medio, under Richard, Earl of Arundel, at a rent of 5s. Thirty Librates of land and rent at Auroston, Herefordshire, also held under the said Earl, would still remain with Hugh de Cheyne. The King's license, allowing the proposed grant to Haughmond, bears date August 6, 1336.

There seems to have been some doubt as to the disposition of Hugh de Cheyney's wife and heirs in this matter. On August 16, 1386, he binds himself in a penal bond of 40, payable on Oct. 6 following, and void, only in case of the Abbot's having peaceable possession of the premises on Hugh's death, and of Hugh's widow, Agnes, seeking no dower therein. However, on May 5, 1337, the Abbot demises to Robert de Alverton for life, a messuage, etc.; in Hadnal, late Hugh Cheyne's.

We have now traced an estate in Hadnal as passing from Lee, through Bottrell and Cheyney to Haughmond Abbey. But this was only a portion of Lee's asserted holding. For instance, an Assize-Roll of June 1307 shows John, son of Reyner de Lee, backed by (his Uncle) Sir John de Lee, as Surety, and suing the Abbot of Haghmon aud William Banastre for disseizin in Hadnall. This

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 302.


suit failed; and we have a subsequent but undated Quitclaim, wherein John, son of Reiner de Lee, gave to the Abbey all his right to that assart in Hadnall Wood near Smethcote, which the Abbey had recovered by process of novel disseizin against William Banastre (i.e. in 1292). This Quitclaim was attested by Roger de Haghmon, John Husee of Albrighton, Master Robert de Preston, John le Botiler, and Richard Gery of Acton. I presume it to have been part of the transaction already alluded to as belonging to the year 1318. [1] Again in 1317, as we have already seen, [2] Sir John de Lee (the uncle of John fitz Reyner) quitclaimed a parcel of land in Hadnall to Haughmond Abbey. The said parcel is defined on one side by Richard Botterell's assart.

Again, it was the Great-Grandson of John fitz Reyner who on March 11, 1370, and as "Roger, son and heir of John de la Lee", released to the same Abbey all his right to the land formerly held by Hugh de Cheyne. Witnesses,- Robert Corbet of Morton, John de Ludelowe, Peter de Caverswelle, knights; Richard Husee, William Banastre of Yorton, and Edmund de Burghton.

Last in the series of quotations comes the abortive effort of 1408, already set forth, [3] where Petronilla, daughter and heir of the above Roger and wife of Robert Lee of Roden, tried to oust the Abbot of Haughmond from Hadnall on the alleged ground that the Lee estates there, had been entailed on the bodily heirs of Reyner, Petronilla's Great, great, great, Grandfather.

WIDO DE HADNALL'S TENEMENT. We have seen Wido de Hadnall attesting Manorial Deeds from 1220 to 1245 or thereabouts.

About 1230-1, as "Wido de Hadenhale, son of William, he gave and confirmed to Haghmon Abbey, for the health of himself and Petronilla his wife, and with their bodies, to be buried in the Abbey, a messuage, croft, and 6 acres, in the field of Hadenhale, which Heming held. The Canons are to pay a rent of 12d. during the Grantor's life, but not afterwards. Witnesses,- William Banastre, William de Balderton, Alan de Bureton, Thomas de Lee".

William Banastre confirmed this grant in a Deed already noticed as having passed about 1230-2. [4]

About 1249-50 "Petronilla, widow of Wido de Hadnall, released all right in the premises granted by her late husband. Witnesses,- Robert de Espeleg, William de Stanworthin". Also at the same time, and with the same witnesses, "William, son of Adam Forester

[1] Supra, page 51.
[2] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 39.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 300.
[4] Supra, Page 48.


of Salop", releases his right in "the grant of Wido his Uncle"; and "Thomas Dod" releases his right in the lands which "Wido de Hadenhale gave cum corpore".

It appears from a Plea-Roll of November 1249 that Thomas Dod's interest in Hadnall arose in right of his wife, Agnes, called cousin (consanguinea), and evidently the actual heir, or coheir, of Wido de Hadnall. Richard de Hadenhale, alias Richard fitz William (who has already occurred in 1232), and Ralph de Hadenhale, alias Ralph fitz Richard, now claimed to be nephews and coheirs of Wido de Hadnall, and sued Thomas and Agnes Dod for a third of 60 acres (except 7 acres), in Hadnall, as their purparty of the estate of Wydo their late Uncle (avunculi). The Plaintiffs tried to prove some default on the part of the Defendants, rather than their own title, and they failing in this, the cause was dismissed sine die. The Pipe-Roll of 1250 gives Ralph fitz Richard de Hadenhale, and Richard fitz William de Hadenhale, as amerced half a merk each pro falso clamore.

Thomas Dod of Hadnall was on a Leaton Jury in 1262 and an Elizor for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1272. Within the seven preceding years he had served the office of Bailiff of the same Hundred. He seems to have been living after the year 1276. I have no present proof that his descendants retained any estate in Hadnall.

HASTON. By a Fine of Nov. 18, 1240, Roger fitz William (Plain-tiff) allows the right of Aldith, wife of Simon de Haueston (Tenants) to a virgate in Haueston, and receives a messuage and 6 acres in return, to hold at a rent of 2s. Hauested Meadow, Longesmalelond, and Pullewellefurlund, are localities alluded to in the Fine; but I am not by any means sure that it relates to this Haston.

At the Assizes of 1256, Thomas Dod, Roger Swyst, Robert de Haukeston, his two brothers Roger and Thomas, Roger de Smedecote, and John de Haukeston, were Co-Defendants in an action about a fence, unjustly made in Clive. They showed themselves to be only instruments of the Abbot of Haughmon in the matter.

At the Forest Assizes of 1262 Roger fitz Christian was the Essoignor of Thomas de Haueston, deceased. Robert de Haueston occurs on a Leaton Inquest in 1262, and was one of the Pimhill jurors at the Assizes of 1272, and at the Inquest of 1274. At this Inquest oppressions or exactions of local Officers were complained of by John, Thomas, and Roger de Haustone. In the same year Robert de Hauston and his brother John are found on an Ellesmere


Inquest. At the Assizes of 1292 William, son of John de Haueston, was one of the Defaulters in Pimhill Hundred. On May 3, 1801, Gilbert, Abbot of Haughmond, demises to Richard le Woodwarde, Cecily his wife, and Richard their son, a messuage and 6 acres in Hauston for their lives. In October 1311 John de Hauston occurs on a Peplow Jury.

On January 20, 1330, "John, son of Roger de Hauston, gives to Master Robert de Preston, Clerk, a messuage and two parts of half a virgate in Hauston, and accustomed estovers in Hadnall Wood, and all the land he had in Hauston, viz. a messuage, etc., which he had of the inheritance of Matilda, his mother;- to hold to the Grantee under the Chief Lords. For this the Grantee paid 12 merks and one robe. Witnesses,- Richard Banestre, John Clerk of Smethcott, Richard Gery of Acton".

On Nov. 17, 1834, "Robert de Preston, Clerk, gave and confirmed to Edmund, son of Sibil, formerly Lady of Cherrinton, and the heirs of his body, a messuage, half-virgate, 3 acres, and a meadow, in Hauston and the field of Hadenhale, wherewith to celebrate the Grantor's anniversary in the Monastery of Haghmon; the Grantee paying 4s. per annum to the pittance of the Canons. Witness,- William Banastre of Smethcote".

On Dec. 9, 1334, the Abbot of Hagmon demised to Nicholas de Harley, Clerk, a messuage and half-virgate in Hauston late held by Robert de Preston. Rent 5s.

On March 26, 1340, "Edmund, son of Sibil de Cherinton, gave to the Abbey all the lands late John Kynge's, in Hauston;- to hold of the Chief Lords. Witnesses,- Stephen de Rossall, Roger (de) Leton, Roger Banastre of Hadnall, and William his son". On the following day Nicholas Harley, Clerk, and John de Picheford are appointed Attorneys to give the Abbot seizin.

HARDWICK- Of this member of Hadnall, I can say no more than that in the "fourth year of King Edward" (probably 1276) John de la Lee quitclaimed to Haughmond Abbey his right of common in all the Canons' appruaments and clearings in the waste of Herdwik.

SMETHCOTT. We have seen that before the year 1230 William Banastre (I.) sold to Haghmon Abbey, first the rent, and afterwards the land, of one Alan, in Smethcott. Coincidently the Tenant, as "Alan fitz Herebert", quitclaims to the Abbey for 2 merks all his right in the same half-virgate. Witnesses,- William Banastre, Alan de Burchton.

At the Assizes of 1256 Robert le Poer, as son and heir of another


Robert le Poer, claimed 2 acres in Smedecote. The Abbot of Lilleshull now held the premises under a 36 years' demise of John de Tonge, and he under a demise of William Banastre. The latter appeared as Defendant and Warrantor, and was dismissed sine die.

At the Forest-Iter of 1267 "William Banastre of Smethcott" was amerced 10s. pro veteri vasto. I have before intimated that the elder line of Banastres was at this time styled "of Smethcott", though afterwards the distinction was applied to a younger branch.

William fitz Margery of Smethcott, who occurs on a Jury List of 1274, was one of the Defaulters in Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1292. John de Smethcott occurs as a Witness in 1320.

HAUGHMOND ABBEY FEE IN HADNALL, etc. Some further particulars as to the accumulations which we have seen the Canons of Haughmond making to their original estate at Hardwick are worth noting. The Taxation of 1291 gives the Abbot a Carucate at Herdewike, worth 10s. per annum; and 4s. 2d. assized rents in Hadenhale: also 5s. assized rents in Balkerton (read Balderton) and in Welleston (read Webbescowe, now Webscott). [1]

Early in the year 1300, as it seems, a Writ of Roger fitz John (of Bolas), Custos of the Forests of Salop, enjoins the Abbot to find six Sureties who should answer for the recent waste made in Hadnall Bosc, and then allows the Abbot to have reseizin of the same. Among the Abbot's Sureties were John Hauston, Ralph de Drayton, John de Hadenhale, and John de Nagynton. The Chartulary triumphantly appends to this procedure an extract from the nearly contemporary Perambulation, viz. the passage which relates to the disforesting of Hadnall. [2]

In the year 1316, the Abbot of Haghmon demises land in Hadnall to Roger Banastre, Agnes his wife, and William his son, for their lives, at 2s. rent.

In 1322-3 the Abbot makes a further demise to the same persons, for a like term, at 10s. rent.

In 1323-4 the Abbot demises to Thomas, son of Robert Attewode and Sibil his wife, two parcels of land in Hadenall, for their lives, at 12s. rent.

About this time an Agreement between the Abbot and William, son of Richard Banastre of Smethcott, as to Hadnall Wood, is attested by Sir Richard de Leghton, Sir William de Ercalawe knights; Richard Hore, William Hore, John Husee, John de la Lee, and Richard Gery of Acton.

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 260.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 149.


In October 1342 Abbot Nicholas exchanges land in Hadnall with William le Stoupere.

In the year 1352 the Abbot demises land to William Banastre of Hadnall, Johanna his wife, and John their eldest son, for their lives.

On January 13, 1359 (if the date be correctly given in the Chartulary), [1] Abbot Richard of Haghmon releases to William Banastre, son of Roger Banastre of Hadnal, all right to a parcel of land held by the said William under a demise from William, son of Richard Banistre of Smethcote.

On Oct. 6, 1381, Abbot Nicholas demises a messuage and virgate in Hadnall to John Hulle, Rector of Middle, for 90 years;- a rent of 12s. and suit of the Abbot's Court at Herdewike being reserved. On June 15, 1402, John Hulle, late Rector of Middle, releases the above demise as one for 99 years.

On Oct. 10, 1471, William, son and heir of Thomas Banastre of Hadnall, releases to the Abbey all right of common in Hadnall; and, "his seal being almost unknown, uses the seal of the Master and Brethren of Battelfeld College". Witnesses,- Sir Roger Kynaston, knight, Philip his brother, Richard Husey, Robert Chorlton, and Thomas his brother.

In 1535-6 the Abbot of Haughmond's estate at Herdwyke was returned as producing 20. 14s. 11d. per annum; but this must have included rents from other places than Hadnall. His receipts from Smethcote and Acton Reynald are anomalously combined with those from Wylcote (near Ness), the whole being 3. 5s. The Salary of Richard Tyler, the Abbot's Bailiff at Herdwyke, was 1 per annum. [2]

In the Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2 the Assets of the late Abbey are grouped in a very different way.-

The following items probably include, or bear reference to, estates in or near Hadnall. Hardwicke, assized rent, 4s. 2d.; Hopton, [3] rent of a messuage, 10s.; Grenehill and elsewhere, rents of land, 3. 19s. 4d.; Hopton [3] and elsewhere, ferms demised by Indenture, 16. 16s. 10d.; Wylcote and elsewhere, divers ferms, 10. 4s. 5d.

HADNALL CHAPEL. Hadnall, with all its manorial members (Hardwick, Heston, Shotton, and Smethcote), was in the Parish of

[1] There is some doubt whether Richard was the name of the Abbot at this period (supra, Vol. VII. p. 302).
[2] Valor Eccles. III. 192, 193.
[3] Hopton, near Great Ness.
[4] Monasticon, Vol. VI. 114.


Middle. The Chapel, whenever founded, was subject to the Church of Middle, and still remains so. The Valor of 1535 shows Hadnall Chapel as supported by a pension of 40s., payable by the Rector of Middle. [1] This is the earliest documentary notice which I have of the Chapel, but it is undoubtedly much older.

Acton Reynald.

"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Achetone et Ricardus de eo. Seuuardus tenuit T.R.E., et liber homo fuit. Ibi III hidae geldabiles. Terra est V carrucis. Ibi II milites habent I carrucam. Ibi silva XXX porcis incrassandis. Valebat IIII libras; et modo X solidos". [2]

Thus the tenures of Acton and Stanton Hineheath were precisely identical, both in Saxon times and at Domesday. It may be added that the Stantons, the presumed descendants of Ricardus, continued to be Seigneural Lords of both Manors till the extinction of their male line in the reign of Edward I.

The family which held Acton under De Stanton took its name from the place. The first of whom I find any mention is-

RICHARD DE ACTON, already seen to have attested Deed of the second William fitz Alan about 1190. [3]

REYNER DE ACTON, the next in this succession, was probably the person from whom Acton Reynald derived its distinctive name. He is a frequent witness of Deeds which range between the years 1195 and 1220. At the Assizes of 1208 his appearance on Juries of Grand Assize is that of a Knight. He was on that occasion appointed one of the custodes or manucaptors of Walter Hussey, sen-tenced to purge himself of a charge of murder by wager of battle.

At these Assizes Reyner de Acton and Augnes his wife claimed, under writ of mort d'ancestre, half a hide in some place which I cannot determine. [4] The Defendant, Herbert fitz Herbert, being in the King's service abroad, the cause was adjourned sine die.

ROBERT DE ACTON, son and heir of Reyner, is found attesting Deeds, the earliest of which passed in or before 1224, and the latest of which was before 1240. The following Deeds probably passed between 1224 and 1230:-

[1] Valor Eccles. III. 183.
[2] Domesday, fo. 255, a. 2.
[3] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 276.
[4] Haica' is apparently the word written.


"Robert de Acton gives to Haghmon Abbey pasture for 50 sheep, and for all the Abbot's Cattle at Grinsill, throughout the whole fee of Acton. The Abbot in return concedes to the said Robert, for his life, the corrody of one Canon, and, after his death, the Abbot will pay 2d. rent to his heirs. Witnesses,- Sir Robert de Girros, Vivian de Rossall, Ralph de Sanford, Alan de Bureton, William Banastre, Wido de Hadenhale, Thomas Cresset". [1]

"Robert, son of Reyner de Acton, gives to the same a right of common-pasture throughout his heath of Acton, for 300 sheep, reckoned by the long hundred (majus centum), and for all the Abbot's animals at Herdwick, save and except in his wood of Acton. Witnesses,- Robert Gyros, Vivian de Rossall, Thomas his son, William de Staunton, Ralph de Saunforde, William Banastre, Walter Huse, Wido de Hadenhale". [1]

"Robert de Acton, son of Reyner, gives to the same, pasture for 500 sheep and for all the Abbot's other cattle at Grinsill, through the whole fee of Acton, except in Acton Wood, etc.; to hold for ever, at a rent of 12d. Witnesses,- Robert de Girros, Vivian de Ronal, Ralph de Sanford". [1]

At a less certain date, but perhaps between 1225 and 1235, "Robert, son of Reiner de Acton, gives to Shrewsbury Abbey all his right in the tenement which Gamell de Rumoldsham held of him in Shrewsbury, and 6d. rent paid by the said Gamel. Witnesses,- Peter le Villain and John, Provosts of Shrewsbury". [2]

REYNER DE ACTON (II.) had succeeded to this estate before 1240. One of the three contemporary Rolls of that date, states him to be holding half a knight's-fee in Acton and Grineleshul, in the Barony of Fitz Alan. [3] Two other Rolls state the tenure to be in Halekton (Haughton) and Grinsill; [4] and this latter statement is undoubtedly correct, for what Reyner de Acton held in Acton was not held immediately of Fitz Alan, but of the Lords of Stanton.

I find no further mention of this second Reyner de Acton. It is evident that he was deceased in 1255, leaving a son or sons under age, the eldest of which sons, probably named Peter, was in ward to Thomas Bottrell. [5] Hence the Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 registers Acton Reyner as follows:-

"Thomas Boterel holds in Acton Reyner three hides of geldable land, in the name of wardship; and it is of the fee of John fitz

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, Tit. Acton Reyner.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 412.
[3] Testa de Nevill, p. 45.
[4] Ibidem, pp. 47, 49.
[5] Compare Vol. VII. p. 281.


Alan, and (is held) by doing half a knight's-service at Oswestry for 40 days, and it owes suit to County and Hundred, and pays 2s. for motfeh and stretward". [1]

Again repeating that the service due to Fitz Alan was for Grinsill and Haughton, I proceed to-

REYNER DE ACTON (III.), probably a younger son, but clearly the eventual heir of Reyner de Acton (II.). I find this third Reyner de Acton attesting a Deed which probably passed before 1270. The Assize-Roll of 1272 just adverts to an action of disseizin brought by Stephen de Aysford against Reyner de Acton for a tenement in Fenemere. Reginald de Atton is at the same time written as sixth Juror for Pimhill Hundred. At the Pimhill Inquest of November 1274 Reyner de Actone was third Juror. He occurs on other local Juries in December 1277 and May 1278. The Feodary of 1279 says that "Acton is held by Reginald de Acton, of the fee of Stanton, and by service of one Muntor for 40 days, at Oswestry, in time of war. The same Reginald holds Fenymer of Richard fitz Alan, immediately".

In an Inquest of August 1283 Reyner de Acton appears as a Knight, and in an Inquest of December 1285 as one of the Verderers of the Shropshire Forests.

On June 2, 1288, a Quarrel between the Convent of Haghmon, as Rectors, and the Vicar, of Shawbury, of the one part, and Reyner, Lord of Acton Reyner, Knight, of the other part, concerning a Chantry in the Chapel of Acton Reyner, and a virgate of land, and tithes of another virgate in Acton, was thus settled. Sir Reyner conceded the Chapel as subject to the Mother-Church of Shawbury, and quitclaimed the said virgate and tithes to the Abbey. The Abbot in return was to provide a Chaplain to perform divine services in the said Chapel on Sundays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.

A Fine of October 20, 1292, shows Reyner de Acton alienating Acton Reyner and Grinsill from his name, and I think from his kindred, after his own decease, for ever.- "Reyner de Acton, Impedient, allows his gift to Philip Burnell, Plaintiff, of the Manor of Acton Reyner, and a fourth part of the Manor of Grineleshull. Philip in return concedes the premises to Reyner for life, at a clove-rent, and for performance of all capital services;- with reversion to Philip and his heirs,- to hold of the Lords of the Fee".

After this I find Sir Reyner de Acton attesting a Hadnall Deed of July 28, 1293. In 1297 he was returned among those who,

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.


holding 20 librates of lands or rents in Shropshire, were under summons to muster at London on July 7, prepared with horse and arms for foreign service.

Before the year 1308 Reyner de Acton was dead, and Edward Burnell was apparently in full seizin of the estates conveyed in reversion to his Father, Philip. A parcel of waste land in Grinsill was divisible, and was on February 15, 1308, [1] divided between the Abbot of Haghmon and Edward Burnell. Edward Burnell (acting by his Seneschal, Sir Richard de Harley) took one-fourth and the Abbot took three-fourths of the waste, such being their respective shares of the Manor of Grinsill. Richard, Abbot of Haghmon, Richard de Haghton, John de Onysburys, and Adam Crowther were present at the partition.

It appears that Acton Reynold and Grinsill were part of those Burnell estates, the fee simple of which went with Petronilla, sister of Philip Burnel, to William de Ercall (IV.). William de Ercall (V.), son of the said William and Petronilla, must therefore be understood as the William de Ercalewe, who, in the Nomina Villarum of 1316, stands as "Lord of the Vill of Acton Reyner and Grinehull".

OF UNDERTENANTS in Acton, the first I shall name is John, son of Richard, son of Edric de Grinsill. Between the years 1250 and 1255 this John gave certain land in Acton Heath to Haghmon Abbey, which lay between the old foss and the duct of Hardwik. He also gave other land, surrounded by a trench, on the opposite side of the road (called Geries-bruge); also a parcel of land in Grileshull which William the Quarryer and the Grantor's father had sometime held. The Abbey was to hold all, under the Grantor, in exchange for a messuage outside the vill (of Grinsill) towards Acton, and for 9 acres in the field of Grinsill. The Grantor would acquit the land conveyed by him of 8d. rent, payable to the Lord of Acton and his heirs. Witnesses,- Robert de Grendon, then Sheriff; Sir Thomas de Rossall, Sir Thomas de Lee, Richard de Petton, William (de) Stanwarthin, William Banastre, Robert Slinge, David de Grileshull.

William de Hatton is written on the Pimhill Jury-List of 1256. At the Inquest of 1274 William de Actone and his son, called Adam Willy de Acton, had complaints against certain Officers of Pimhill

[1] The Instrument is dated In crastino Sti Valentini a. r. Regis Edwardi primo: an instance of what I have often noticed, viz. that many earlier Deeds of Edward II.'s reign must be determined so to be by other evidence than the King's name.


Hundred. The latter, on an Ellesmere Jury of the same year, is called Adam fitz William de Acton.

From February 1299 to January 1330 I find frequent attestations of Richard Gery, of Acton.

On March 30, 1326, the Abbot of Haghmon demises a messuage, virgate, and other land in Acton Reyner to Robert de Acton, son of Richard Gery. On July 28, 1335, the Abbot grants to Richard Gery, of Acton Reyner, and Alice his wife, a place of waste on Grinsill Hill, near Sherwode, for their lives, at a rent of 2s.

ACTON REYNALD CHAPEL. The history of this Chapel, founded as early as the reign of Stephen, has, as a dependency of Shawbury Church, been given already in a former Chapter. [1] The agreement which Reyner de Acton (III.) extorted from the Canons of Haghmon and their Vicar of Shawbury in 1288 seems to have been observed with unusual strictness. Even in 1535-6 the Canons were paying a salary of 20s. to the officiating Chaplain of Acton Reyner. [2]


Isdem Rainaldus tenet Mulleht. Seuuardus tenuit T.R.E. Ibi VIII hidae. In dominio est una carruca; et VIII Bordarii, et Presbyter, et II Francigenae. Ibi silva XL porcis incrassandis. Terra est XX carrucis. T.R.E. valdebat VI libras; et post IIII libras; modo LXX solidos". [3]

In the above passage there seems to be an omission of the team-power necessarily employed by the Tenantry to constitute a value of 70s.

The Priest, mentioned in Domesday, indicates, I think, in all cases a pre-existent Church. We happen to have direct proof of the fact in the case of Middle: for Earl Roger's Confirmation to Shrewsbury Abbey recites how Warin Vicecomes (who was dead at the time of Domesday) had given the Church of Mutla and the tithe of the vill to the said Abbey. [4]

In 1165 Middle must be taken to have constituted a part of those

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. pp. 146, 147.
[2] Valor Eccles. III. 193.
[3] Domesday, fo. 255, a. 1 & 2.
[4] Monasticon, III. 520. Num. iii.


two knights'-fees of new feoffment which John le Strange had acquired, and was then holding, in the Barony of Fitz Allan. It is not probable however that the whole of the Domesday Manor of Middle had been thus given to Le Strange. Alderton, part of Balderton, and that part of Sleap which is in Middle Parish seem to me to have been original members of Middle, but to have been separated from it manorially, at a very early period.

Before the year 1172 John le Strange (I.) is recorded in a Bull of Pope Alexander (III.) to have given to Haghmon Abbey, the Mill of Mudle and the sites of all his Mills. This munificent grant seems to have wanted completeness as well as permanence.

The Feodaries of 1240 differ in making John le Strange's tenure under Fitz Alan to be by 2 or by 2 knights'-fees.
[1] When Middle and Childs Ercall are further designated as the two Manors on which such service was due, they must be taken to represent at least seven Manors [2] which were held by Le Strange under Fitz Alan. It is probable that 2 fees was really the service due in 1240 on this Fief, but such matters varied very much, according as scutage, or castle-guard, was the basis of the calculation, to say nothing of the arrangement between Suzerain and Vassal being at any time alterable by joint consent.

The very next notice which we have of Le Strange's Fief shows that his service of Castle-Guard was that of four Muntarii, usually equivalent to two Knights. Thus the Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 states that "John Le Strange holds in the Vill of Mudle five geldable hides of the Fee of John fitz Alan, by service of four Muntarii for 40 days at Oswestry, both for the said land and for all his lands which he holds of John fitz Alan in Shropshire; and it (Middle) owes suit to County and (to Hundred) at the Sheriff's two Tourns, and pays 20d. for stretward, but nothing for motfee". [3]

An Inquest taken in January 1272 seems to have referred to the late John fitz Alan's Seigneury over Middle and Ruyton. [4] The service of 2 knights'-fees, held by John le Strange in Mudell, Ritton, and elsewhere, was now assigned as part of the dower of the said John fitz Alan's widow. [5] An Inquest of March 1276, after the death of John le Strange (IV.) states him to have held the Manors

[1] Testa de Nevill, pp. 45, 48.
[2] Viz. Glazeley, Abdon, Berrington, Longnor, Middle, Childs Ercall, Ruyton; to say nothing of several other Manors in the Hundred of Oswestry the tenure of which was perhaps such as to exclude them from the above computation.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.
[4] Calend. Inquis. I. p. 40.
[5] Claus. 56 Hen. III., m. 6.


of Ruton and Mudell under the heirs of John fitz Alan by service of 2 knights'-fees. Isabella, widow of the said John fitz Alan, still had dower in the seigneury and services of these Manors. The interest of the deceased (John le Strange) therein was valued at 30 per annum.
[1] The Feodary of 1279 for once apportions the service due upon Middle per se, stating that "John le Strange (V.) holds Middle with its members immediately of John fitz Alan (sic) by service of th of a knight's-fee at Oswestry in war-time".

In October 1292 John le Strange, was subjected to a process of Quo Waranto, as to his alleged exercise of free-warren, infangenthef, and wayf, in his Manors of Nesse, Kyngton (Kinton), and Mudle. It seemed that in Middle he only claimed free-warren, so the other franchises were adjudged to the Crown. In regard to Ness and Kinton he claimed all three privileges, and justified himself by the immemorial usage of his Ancestors. The question went to a Jury, which substantiated John le Strange's defence. [2]

On June 25, 1299, this John le Strange, being styled "of Knukyn", was Deforciant in a conventional Fine, whereby he conceded the Manors of Mudle and Ritton to Ralph de Sherleye, Plaintiff, and his heirs;- to hold of the Lords of the Fee. A sum of 40 was the ostensible consideration.

By a second Fine of Oct. 6, 1299, Richard de Sherlee, Deforciant, entails the Manor of Mudle on John le Strange, of Knokyn, and Matilda his wife, and the heirs of their bodies, with remainder to the right heirs of John le Strange.

A Patent of April 1, 1308, allows John le Strange to fortify and crenellate his Mansion of Medle with a wall of stone and lime. The remains of the castellated mansion, which was thus originated, are still to be seen. [3]

The Inquest, taken August 20, 1309, on the death of John le Strange (V.), states him to have held Mudle under Edmund, Earl of Arundel. [4]

It was probably with reference to the entail of 1299 that the Inquest, taken Feb. 27, 1311 (on the death of John le Strange (V.)), does not notice Middle, as held by him in fee and demesne. It merely says that he had a certain annual rent of 6s. 8d. from the heir of John de Burgton in Middle. [5] This receipt, as distinct from the general entail, I cannot account for.

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 Thomas de Hastang stands as

[1] Inquis. 4 Edw. I., No. 38.
[2] Plac. de Quo Waranto, p. 683.
[3] Patent. 1 Edw. II., p. 2, m. 16.
[4] Inquis. 3 Edw. II., No. 46.
[5] Inquis. 4 Edw. II., No. 34.


Lord of Mudell. I cannot explain this, except by supposing that Thomas de Hastang had married the Widow of one of the two Lord Stranges so recently deceased.

In 1329 we are sure that Middle had reverted to a branch of the Stranges; for by a Charter of December 3rd in that year, King Edward III. recites a recent Inquisition, whereby it had been found that a loss of 2s. per annum would result to the Crown, if the King were to allow his beloved Valet, John le Strange, to have View of Frankpledge over his tenants of Medle, and the chattels of felons and fugitives, and fines, and amercements, and the profits on all forfeitures in the said Manor. It had also been found to be non-injurious to the Crown if the said John were allowed to have "wayf, infangentheof, outfangentheof, and the return and execution of Writs Royal". The King, wishing to do the said John a favour, grants him all the privileges in question, notwithstanding the damages aforesaid. [1]

I cannot say how this John le Strange was related to Roger le Strange, the contemporary Lord of Knokyn, and the right heir of the former Lords of Middle. I can only add that in 1383 Middle had reverted once more to the elder line, that is, to John le Strange (VIII.) grandson of the said Roger. [2]


Four great Churches at the Western extremity of Lichfield Diocese passed at an early period to the Patronage of Shrewsbury Abbey. It will be useful to deal with them conjunctively, so far as the earlier features of their common history are traceable. They were the Churches of Middle, Great Ness, Baschurch, and Oswestry.

Earl Roger's Charter to the monks of Shrewsbury, speaking of a time anterior to Domesday, says,- Dedi etiam eidem loco ecclesiam de Nessa, et illam de Bassechirche cum omnibus ad easdem ecclesias pertinentibus. Guarinus vero Vicecomes dedit ecclesiam de Mutla, cum decima ejusdem villae et ecclesiam Sancti Ostvaldi, cum decima ejusdem villae.

Domesday mentions a Church and Glebe at Nessham, and a Church and Glebe at Bascherche, both held by Shrewsbury Abbey (Ecclesia Sancti Petri). It also mentions a Church and Priest at Meresberie (supposed to be the Domesday representative of Oswestry [3]), and a

[1] Rot. Chart. 3 Edw. III., No. 7.
[2] Collectanea Topographia et Genealogica, Vol. V. pp. 180, 181.
[3] This relation between Meresberie and Oswestry was first pointed out to me by Mr. Joseph Morris, of Shrewsbury.


Priest at Mulleht, but says nothing about Shrewsbury Abbey in connection with either place. The reason of this silence has been already suggested under Upton Magna, [1] viz. that some of Warin's grants to the Abbey had not at the time of Domesday been ratified by his successor, Rainald. We shall have further proof of a cognate omission under Albrighton.

King William II.'s Charter to the Abbey says:- Deinde (Comes Rogerius et uxor ejus) contulerunt eis (scilicet, monachis) ecclesiam de Nessa, et illam de Bassecherch, cujus possessiones sunt Prestcota, Noneleia, et Bageleia. [2] But this Charter does not name anything at Middle or Oswestry, among the gifts of Warin, or Rainald, or any other.

Earl Hugh's spurious Charter to the Abbey says,- Concessi (eis) decimam dominii (mei) de Oswaldestre, et de Nesse, et de Mulde.

Earl Hugh's less suspicious Charter alludes to none of the above gifts; for where it states that "Warin Vicecomes gave two parts of the tithes of his demesnes of Nesse", the allusion is to Little Ness.

Henry I.'s Confirmation of 1121 comes next in order. It tells how,- Rogerius Comes atque Adelaisa Comitissa addiderunt supradictis donis ecclesiam de Bascerce et illam de Nessa; and how Rainaldus, qui, post mortem Warini, uxorem illius cum ejus honore suscepit, et Hugo filius ejusdem Warini dederunt Ecclesiam Sancti Oswaldi, et illam de Muthla, et decimas de Nessa et de Seraordina, [3] concedente Hugone Comite.

King Stephen's Charter is substantively and almost verbally in concert with the above; nor do the Charters of Henry II. or Henry III. present these grants in any new light.

Of Episcopal Charters, the earliest (Bishop Clinton's) only alludes to two-thirds of the demesne tithes of Nesse (Little Ness) as having been given or confirmed in some Charter of Earl Hugh. But a second Charter of the same Prelate confirms "the Church of Nesse with a pension of 10s., the Church of Album Monasterium, with its Chapels and its pension of 30s., the Church of Bascherch, with its Chapels and its pension of 20s., and the Church of Mudle, with its pension of 6s. 8d". [4]

Bishop Durdent's Charter [5] confirms "the Church of Nesse with its tithes, the Church of Album Monasterium, with its tithes and its appurtenant Chapels, the Church of Baschirche, with the Church

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 205.
[2] Prestcote, Nunneley, and Bagley.
[3] That is Little-Ness and Shrawardine.
[4] Or 13s. 4d. as it stands in one transcript (Harl. MS. 3868, fo. 7, b).
[5] Salop Chartulary, No. 327.


of Rueton and the Church of Petton, which pertain to it as Chapels, and the Church of Mudla, with its tithes and Chapels".

Bishop Peche's Charter includes the tithes of Baschurch among those which in his time arose from the Abbatial Demesnes. It makes the Pension arising from Baschurch to be 18s., that from Middle to be 6s. 8d.; but says nothing of any pensions arising from Oswestry or Ness.

Archbishop Peckham's Confirmation to Shrewsbury Abbey gives 10s. as the Pension from Nesse, 30s. as the Pension from Album Monasterium, 20s. as the Pension from Baschirch, and 13s. 4d. as the Pension from Middle.

On the whole, Middle Church seems to have been a Saxon Foundation, with a Parish of great extent. It was given primarily by Warin the Bald to Shrewsbury Abbey, and the gift was never disputed by his Successors, or their Feoffees, the Lords Strange. It had the sanction of Earls, Kings, and Prelates, with some difference indeed as to the form of confirmation, but no obscurity about the essential facts.

Middle Church was never appropriated by the Monks of Shrewsbury. In the Taxation of 1291, its revenues stood at the then large sum of 20. 10s. per annum, out of which the Monks of Shrewsbury drew only a pension of 10s. [1]

In 1341 the Church-Taxation of Mudle being quoted as 20, the Assessors estimated the Ninth of the Parish at 8 only. The Glebe and small tithes, which went to form the Taxation, were not computable in estimating a ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb. Moreover five carucates of land lay untilled in the Parish, and there had been a common murrain of the sheep. [2]

The Valor of 1535 gives 16 as the gross income of Thomas Tonge, Rector of Middle. Out of this he paid 2 to the Chaplain of Hadnall, a pension of 18s. 4d. to Shrewsbury Abbey, and 19s. 6d. for yearly Procurations and Synodals. [2]

It is difficult to account fully for the diminished value of this Rectory. To say that its Chapels at Ruyton and Petton had become independent Churches is perhaps giving a partial reason.


The first Rector of Middle, of whom we hear, was of a noble

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247.
[2] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 183.
[3] Valor Eccles. III. p. 183.


House, a younger son of the contemporary Prince of Lower Powis. By Patent of Jan. 16, 1232, King Henry III. allows that notwithstanding the differences which had recently arisen between himself and Lewellyn-

HOWEL AP MADDOC AP GRIFFIN DE BROMFELD, Parson of Middle, may securely abide, if he shall choose, in the Schools of the King's territory. The famous Alexander de Swereford, then Archdeacon of Salop, procured this indulgence.

MASTER WALTER, Rector of Middle, occurs in a Deed of the same century.

THOMAS DE CHARNES was admitted July 4, 1317, by Bishop Langton, then at Pitchford. Patrons, the Abbot and Convent of Salop. A Patent of 1333 allows Thomas Charnes to exchange this Church for the preferment of-

JOHN WATENHULL, Incumbent of Kingeslee (Dioc. Lichf. and Cov.); [1] but I doubt whether such exchange took place, for on January 24, 1334, and apparently on Charnes's resignation,-

SIR NICHOLAS DE CLEBURY, Subdeacon, was admitted to Middle. He occurs as Rector on May 21, 1334, when he has a License for two years' non-residence, studendi gratia. On March 18, 1341, he exchanges with-

JOHN NORMAUND, late Rector of Kingislone (Heref. Dioc.). [2]

On Feb. 28, 1349, this Rector had license to put his Rectory to ferm for 3 years.

HENRY DE SUGGENHULL occurs as Rector of Middle, on August 18, 1358. Sometime between the years 1360 and 1379,-

HUGH LE YONG certifies himself to be holding the Rectory of Middle, the Free Chapel of Willey, and a Prebend in St. Mary's, Shrewsbury. [3]

On Dec. 20, 1379, he exchanges Middle for the preferment of-

JOHN DE HULL, or HULLES, late Rector of Landusshall (St. David's Dioc.), who was presented to Middle by the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury. Hull occurs as Rector in 1381, but on January 26, 1387, he exchanges with-

PHILIP DE LA LEE, late Rector of Olde Swynford (Lichf. Dioc.), who is presented to Middle by the same Patrons. On Feb. 21, 1399,-

[1] Patent. 7 Edw. III., p. 1, m. 6.
[2] This exchange had been sanctioned by the King, as Custos of the Barony of Edmund de Mortimer, deceased (Patent. 14 Edw. III., p. 3, m. 2).
[3] The year 1386 is erroneously assigned to this certificate in the Lichfield Register (compare Vol. II. p. 61).


SIR NICHOLAS CONYNGSTON, being Rector of Middle, exchanges with-

MASTER JOHN BERFORD, late Rector of Hathersagge, who is presented to Middle by the usual Patrons. Berford vacated Middle in 1404.


This member of Middle seems to have contained 1 hides of the Domesday Manor. A part of it, viz. one hide, was probably separated from Middle before that estate was given by Fitz Alan to Le Strange. It was annexed, together with that part of Sleap which was another member of Middle, to the Fee of Hussey;- that is, Hussey of Albright Hussey held a hide in Balderton and half a hide in Sleap, immediately under Fitz Alan, and never, that I can learn, mediately under Le Strange. But half a hide in Balderton went, together with Middle, to the first John le Strange, and his Undertenant thereof was Leolwine the Hunter. On the death or escheat of Leolwine, and about the year 1175, John le Strange (I.) enfeoffed one William fitz Walter in Shelvock (a member of Ruyton or Wykey), and also in two virgates at Balderton. His Charter runs as follows.-

Omnibus amicis suis et hominibus suis Salopesbiriae, tam futuris quam presentibus, Johannes Extraneus salutem. Notum vobis facio, et scripturae testimonio confirmo, me dedisse Shelfhoc, cum omnibus pertinenciis, et duas virgatas terrae in Balderton, quae fuerunt Leolwini Venatoris, Willielmo filio Walteri et heredibus suis, libere et quiete istas duas terras tenendas de me et heredibus meis, annuatim reddendo, pro omni servicio, quasdam ocreas de cordubano cum calcaribus deauratis. Hujus donacionis sunt testes Orneus Capellanus, Willielmus filius Willielmi filii Alani.

Soon afterwards, that is, in or before the year 1179, "William fitz Walter of Shelfhoc gave to Haghmon Abbey those two virgates in Balderton which John le Strange had given him. Witness,- Guy le Strange".

Not long afterwards John le Strange (II.) confirmed William fitz Walter's grant and Charter, speaking of the said William as his Father's Feoffee. He also gave to the Abbey 9 acres of his own territory of Mudle. Witness,- Roger Sprenghose.

The following Deed refers to the Seigneury of Le Strange over the estate thus acquired by Haghmon Abbey.- "John le Strange, son of John le Strange, for himself and his heirs, acquits and frees


the Abbot's land of Balderton of Guards doverant [1] for ever. Witness,- William de Hedley.

Late in the reign of Edward II., as I think, the Abbot got a Quitclaim of all right or challenge, in respect of any lands at Balderton, from John Lord of Shelvak, whom I take to have been a descendant of William fitz Walter above mentioned. This Quitclaim was attested by Sir William de Ercalue and Sir John de Lee, knights; by Richard Hord of Walleford, Richard de Pectone, Roger de Letone, Stephen de Roshale, and Richard Gery of Actone.

On Oct. 25, 1333, Nicholas, Abbot of Haghmon, and Sir John le Strange, "Lord of Mudle", adjusted certain differences. Sir John was to allow a certain flow of water to escape down the usual course from the Vivary of Middle. The Abbot was to facilitate the annexation to Middle Park of two wastes called Hethilyghe and Webblescou-lone, without interference of himself or his Tenants at Balderton or Webblescoue. Witnesses,- Richard Hord of Walleforth, William Banastre, Richard Huse, Roger Banastre, and Richard de Walleford.

On Dec. 5, 1334, the same parties had a second agreement.- Abbot Nicholas covenanted that Sir John and his heirs should enclose and hold in severalty the following parcels of land, viz. Bromehurste, Slepe-gorstes, Gorsthurst, Bilemerspoll, and the Halghfeld. Sir John allows that the Cattle of the Abbot, and of his Tenants at Balderton and Webblescoue, shall not be impounded for trespass where the fences were ill-kept. He also secures the Abbot's peaceable enjoyment of common rights throughout the Manor of Middle except in the Park, etc.

AS TO UNDERTENANTS in the Abbot of Haughmond's estate at Balderton, the five following Surrenders and Deeds seem to have taken place between 1216 and 1230.-

William de Balderton, who occurs in 1228, [2] was it seems, son of Adam de Balderton. So describing himself, he sells to the Abbey, in augmentation of the gate-alms of Haghmon, with consent of his heir Richard, and for a sum of 2. 15s., a messuage, croft, and 15 acres, which Richard fitz Clarice sold to him. Rent reserved 2d.

[1] De satellitibus doverantibus; that is, the land shall be free from any contribution towards the maintenance of such Officers. They were probably a kind of manorial Police in the present instance (see however Hist. Shrewsbury, II. 112, note 1, and supra, Vol. V. p. 198,- where Doverette is the name given to a Fee or exaction levied by the Foresters of a certain district).
[2] He was amerced in that year, quia non habuit quem plegiavit.


Witnesses,- John fitz Alan and Vivian de Rosehalle. (Of William de Balderton's son, Richard, we shall hear again.

John de Balderton (another son of Adam) gave the Abbey a croft and 6 acres in Balderton. Witnesses,- John de Burcheltun (Burlton), Alan de Burlhton (Broughton).

William, son of Adam de Balderton, conceded and confirmed his brother John's grant. Witnesses,- John le Strange, Hugh le Strange.

Stephen, son of Adam (de Balderton), quitclaimed a messuage and 6 acres, and all lands which the Abbey had by grant of his brothers, John or William. Witnesses,- Richard de Pecton, Richard de Lopinton.

Roger Avenel gives and quitclaims to the Abbey a half-virgate in Balderton which Roger Avenel his Father had held. Witness,- Alan de Burchton.

The same surrenders to the same, three half-virgates in Balderton, respectively held by Richard the Provost, Roger fitz Roger the Provost, and Radulph. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Rossale, Sir Vivian his son.

The last Deed probably passed after the middle of the 13th century, as did a Deed whereby the Abbot of Haghmon concedes to Thomas fitz Roger, of Yorton, and Roysia, daughter of Helias de Newbolt, his wife, a messuage and half-virgate in Balderton, which Richard fitz Clarice (formerly) held. A rent of 3s. is reserved to the Abbey, and one of 2d. to Henry le Husee and his heirs. Witness,- Sir Thomas de Rossall.

The Account, already given under Hadnall, [1] is probably inclusive of the Haughmond receipts from Balderton and Webscott.

HUSSEY'S FEE IN BALDERTON. This was a hide of land which, together with half a hide in Sleap, was held by Hussey, of Albright Hussey, under Fitz Alan: and, as I have already stated, Hussey's feoffment in these members of Middle was probably anterior to Le Strange's feoffment in the central Manor.

About 1230-50, Walter Hussey (of Albrighton) had, it seems, a Tenant here, viz. Richard, son of William de Balderton. The said Richard and his heirs acknowledge by Deed that "they can neither give, nor demise for a term, the land which they hold under Walter Hose in Balderton, in any way so as to injure the said Walter or his heirs". [2]

The Husseys of Albrighton afterwards enfeoffed a branch of their

[1] Supra, pp. 59, 60.
[2] Harl. MS. 1396. fo. 177.


own family in Balderton and Sleap. In 1255, John, son of Thomas Hussey, of Albrighton, was in minority. Hence the Hundred-Roll says that "Henry Hesee holds one hide in Balderton and half a hide in Slepe; and the estate is of the fee of Thomas Hesee's heir. It owed the service of a third part of a knight's-fee at Oswestry; did suit to County and Hundred, and paid 12d. for stretward and motfee". [1]

At the Assizes of 1272 Henry Huse was one of the Jurors for Pimhill Hundred. Moreover, Henry Hose, as tenant of a messuage and virgate in Baldreton, Avelina de Hadenhale, as tenant of 2s. rent in Hadnall, William Banastre, as tenant of 5s. rent in Smetheton (Smethcott), and Robert fitz Matthew, of Eyton, as tenant of 2s. rent in Eyton juxta Alberbury, were all impleaded for the same by Thomas de Oveton, as heir of Richard de Oveton, his uncle. It was proved, however, that Richard had not died seized of the premises, he having enfeoffed his son Nicholas in the same, before he died.

Before 1279 Henry Hussey, of Balderton, had been succeeded by John Hussey. The latter is entered on the Pimhill Tenure-Roll as holding one hide in Adbrigton (Balderton is meant) under John Hussey of Adbrighton by service of one-third of a knight's-fee at Oswestry, in wartime, on behalf of the last-named John.

John Hussey, of Balderton, occurs as a witness or Juror in 1291 and 1293.

On April 1, 1324, Thomas Husee, of Balderton, surrendered to Haghmon Abbey all the lands he held under it in Balderton.

SLEAP PARVA. In 1255 we have seen that half a hide in Sleap was held by Henry Hussey, of Balderton, under John Hussey, of Albrighton, who held immediately of Fitz Alan. The Tenure-Roll of 1279 indicates a totally different arrangement, making Roger (or Reyner) de Slepe to hold the vill of Slepe under Thomas de Rossall by service of 10s. per annum.

There is an analogous appearance, in the case of Wollascot, of De Rossall having at this time engrossed a part of Hussey's Fee; so that we need not doubt the fact of a like change in the case of Sleap. Of course Fitz Alan was still Seigneural Lord of Sleap, though the Record does not say so.

On November 3, 1292, a fine was levied, which shows that the part of Sleap which was, or rather had been, a member of Middle, was called Parva Sleap.- "Vivian de Rossall (Impedient) allows a gift of 10 acres of meadow in Parva Slepe to Thomas de Rossall

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


(Plaintiff), who gives a Sore-hawk". Vivian was, I think, younger brother of Thomas.

WEBSCOTT. This member of Middle undoubtedly passed with the central Manor to John le Strange (I.). I have stated under Berrington the particulars of a grant, whereby the said John gave before 1172, and confirmed in 1177-8, [1] half a virgate in Webblescowe to Haghmon Abbey.

The following may well be a confirmation of John le Strange (II), between 1178 and 1180, and shortly after his father's death. As "John Extraneus", he gives and confirms to the Abbey a half-virgate in Webblescowe, with common pasture throughout the fee of Mudle for the live stock of the Abbot's tenants at Balderton and Webblescowe. Witnesses,- William fitz Alan, Wido le Strange, and Ralph le Strange, of Lucheham (Lytcham, Norfolk). [2]

In Trinity Term 1283 Roger fitz Sibil and Agnes, his wife, enfeoff John le Wodeward, of Mudle, in a messuage and virgate at Webblescowe;- to hold of themselves and the heirs of Agnes, at a clove-rent;- the Feoffee performing all capital services. For this the Grantee paid 10 merks.

The subsequent interest of Haughmond Abbey in Webscott has been traced under Hadnall.

There was also a small estate at Webscott, belonging to Lilleshall Abbey. It was given by John le Strange (II.), and, according to the Rubric of the Lilleshall Chartulary, was a sort of composition or atonement for some act of homicide. Between the years 1225 and 1232, and probably in his Father's lifetime, John le Strange (III) ratified this gift in a Charter, of which I transcribe the title and principal contents:-

Carta Domini Johannis Extranei de terra de Webbleschoue, data domui de Lilleshull pro morte cujusdam hominis.- Johannes filius Johannis Extranei dedi, etc., unam virgatam in Weblescoue, quam Walterus filius Galfridi tenuit, et quam pater meus (Canonicis) illis donavit in liberam elemosynam,ita quod eundem Walterum Abbati et Conventui assignavi. Praedictus Walterus reddens sit eis IV solidos. Terra sit quieta de pannagio XXIV porcorum. Hiis testibus, Willielmo Pantulf de Wemme, Willielmo Pantulf de Hales, Willielmo de Hedleg,

[1] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 34. There was apparently a copy of this Charter of 1177-8, in which the offering was said to be for the soul of Hawise, the Grantor's wife. It was attested by "William, son of William fitz Alan, Wido, my brother, Ralph, his son, Hugh le Strange, Marescote, and Henry, his son". (Harl. MS., 2188, fo. 123.) [2] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 225.


Adama de Brinton, Johanne de Chetewind, Petro de Eyton, Rogero Sprengchose, Rogero de Sai et m. a. [1]

The above grant (equivalent to a rent of 4s. receivable from Walter fitz Geoffrey) is indicated on an early Rent-Roll of the Abbey by two items of 2s. each, arising at Michaelmas and Midlent from Webleschoue. [1]

MARTON. This member of Middle also came to Le Strange with the Central Manor.

William de la Mare, whose name seems to have been adopted from The Mere (near Baschurch), was a Tenant here under John le Strange (I.). Between the years 1178 and 1210 "John le Strange, son of John le Strange, gave to John, son of William de la Mare, that bank of the water of Thorneforde Mill which adjoined the Grantor's land of Marton, and whereon the Grantee was to make good his mill-stank, as his father had held it in the time of the Grantor's father. Rent 8d. Witness,- William, son of William fitz Alan".

In succession to John de la Mare came one Richard de la Mare of whom we shall hear again under Baschurch. Richard's son, a second John, gave Thorneforde Mill to John le Strange (probably John le Strange the fifth) in exchange for a virgate and two messuages in Marton. This John, styling himself "son of Richard de la Mere", and "Lord of Mere", gave the said messuages and virgate in frank marriage with Margery, his eldest daughter, to William, son of John de Haueston;- to hold in fee, to them and their bodily heirs, paying a penny rent to John le Strange. The only hints I can give for the date of this Deed are that William, son of John de Haueston, has occurred to us in 1292 under Haston, and that John de la Mere appears on local Juries in January and December 1291.

John le Strange (V.) thus obtained Thorneforde Mill, and transmitted it to his son, John le Strange (VI.); for it must have been the latter who, as Lord of Knokyn, mortgaged his "Mill of La Mere, alias Thorneforde Mill", to Haughmond Abbey for 40.

This mortgage is undated, but the witnesses thereof, viz. William Horde (Le Strange's Seneschal) and Richard Horde, are appointed to give the Abbot seizin in a contemporary Writ, which purports to be dated on "Friday, in the feast of the Circumcision, 4 Edward III.", and which Writ is attested by Sir Hamo, brother of the Expeditor of the Writ.-

I need hardly point out that January 1, 1331, fell on a Tuesday,

[1] The original Deed, at Trentham; and Lilleshall Chartulary, fos. 55, 93.


or that the Lord of Knokyn at that period was Roger le Strange. The writ, in short, must be dated on Friday, January 1, 4 Edward II. (1311), which will make the Mortgagor to have been John le Strange (VI.), and will be altogether a consistent date for the instruments in question.

It would seem that Marton Pool was next called Bassmere.-

On September 30, 1324, the Abbot of Haghmon concedes to Stephen de Felton his fishery and mere of Bassmere, for life, at a rent of 6s. 8d., and reserving power to distrain for the same on Stephen's Tenants at Felton (West Felton), Tedesmere, and Weston Lullingfields.

Meanwhile John le Strange (VI.) dying in the same month in which the above mortgage would seem to have been dated, had been succeeded by his son John le Strange (VII.); and the latter dying without issue in 1323, had been succeeded by his brother, Roger.

Between 1323 and 1325, the latter as "Roger le Strange of Knokin" released and quitclaimed to the Abbey all his right in Thorneford-Mill, with the Fishery of the Lake of Bassemere, which Mill and Fishery his Father John le Strange formerly had mortgaged to the Abbey. Witnesses,- Sir William de Ercalwe and Sir John de Lee, knights; Master Robert de Prestone, Clerk; Richard Hord of Walleford; Richard his son; William Banastre; William Chapman of Eyton.

On July 80, 1340, Nicholas, Abbot of Haghmon, demises to John Blays of Marton the above Mill and Fishery, situate near the Vill of Marton, for his life, at a rent of 15s.

Again on May 19, 1462, Abbot Richard demises to Thomas Warde of Baschurch, his Vivary of Bassemere near Marton, which John Baker Senior of Fennemere once held, together with the Fishery at the outlet of the said Vivary, so that there be no impediment of the watercourse to the Abbot's Mill of Thorneford. Term 61 years. Rent 6s. 8d.

The Valor of 1535 probably includes the Haughmond receipts from this quarter under the general title of Murydon. The Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2 furnish more specific items, viz. Thorneford,- rent of tenement 3s. 4d.; Webscowe in Middle,- rent of tenement 4s. [1]


Though we know next to nothing of Shropshire History in the

[1] Monasticon, Vol. VI. p. 114.


reign of King Henry I., it is hardly possible to avoid seeing in the subsequent condition of the House of Fitz Warin the great prestige with which its ancestor, Warin de Metz, was introduced to the County by the policy of that monarch. As yet however we have not seen Fitz Warin enfeoffed by Fitz Alan, though the Barons of Caus, of Pulverbatch, and of Holgate, have each been ascertained to have lent a hand in the establishment of a House which had no Domesday antecedents to support it.

At Alderton however, a member of Middle, Fitz Alan will have furnished his quota to the advancement of Warin de Metz;- I say of Warin de Metz himself, for the enfeoffment must have been old enough for such a supposition. [1] So Alderton was already separated from Middle, when Le Strange became endowed with the central Manor.

In the time of King Richard I., the second Fulk fitz Warin sold Alderton to Reyner de Lee, who held the neighbouring vill of Lee (now Lee Hall) under Lilleshull Abbey. This was transacted, not by any Deed of Fulk fitz Warin himself, but by a Charter of the Lord Paramount, William fitz Alan (II), whose Deed on the subject must needs be dated in 1195-6. This is far too important a Document to give in any other form than the nearly original one in which it has been preserved.-

Willielmus filius Willielmi filii Alani, omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presens charta pervenerit salutem. Sciatis me ad peticionem Fulconis filii Warini concessisse Reignero de Le totam terram ipsius Fulconis de Alverton, quae est de feodo meo, quam ipse Fulco dedit eidem Reignero pro homagio suo et pro viginti marcis argenti et uno palfrido, etc. Et si forte cum illis warantizare non poterit, escambium dabunt (Fulco et heredes) in terra pacifica de Salopesbiria, [2] etc. Hiis testibus, Johanne Extraneo, Magistro Roberto de Salop, Reginaldo de Heding, Philippo filio Willielmi, Helia de Say, Waltero de Huggeford, Henrico fratre ejus, Willielmo de Hedleg, Bartholomeo de Morton, Ricardo Corbet, Rogero fratre ejus, Widone de Sauberi, Rogero Bret, Ricardo filio Fulconis et Alano fratre ejus, Willielmo le Mazun, Hugone de Bechebur', Thoma de Costentin, Roberto de

[1] Fitz Warin had, it seems, another feoffment under Fitz Alan, but I doubt whether it was in Shropshire. In 1272, on the assignment of dower to Isabel, widow of the third John Fitz Alan, "the whole service of Fulk fitz Warin for the Manor of Hilfrich, estimated at half a knight's-fee", is one of the items so allotted (Claus. 56 Hen. III., m. 4).
[2] E.G. in Moston or Welbatch, rather than in Whittington or Alberbury, which were in the Marches of Wales.


Gerrois, Adam de Stocton, Roberto el Gilberto fratribus suis, Adam de Cherleton et multis aliis. [1]

From Reyner de Lee, Alderton descended to his son Thomas, and from Thomas, to his son John. Hence the Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "John de Ley holds Allerton under Fulk fitz Warin, immediately, by service of one pound of pepper yearly". Again we have a fragment of an undated Deed, but which probably passed about 1280-90, whereby "John de Lee, son of Thomas de Lee, gives to Stephen de Lee, his brother, certain land in Alverlon super Bylemars".

By another Deed "John de Lee, son and heir to Thomas de Lee, concedes to William de Albrucceton (Albrighton) and Alice his wife a messuage in the field of Alverton". After this, Alderton, as a distinct Manor, seems to have been unknown; and yet I cannot trace its history as involved in any other Manor.

BILMARSH.- This member of Middle seems to have gone with the central Manor to Le Strange. Hence about 1250-1255 we find that "John le Strange Tercius" gave and confirmed to Haghmon Abbey 3 acres of meadow in Bilemersch, viz. those nearest to the acres of Thomas de Neuton, and of Geoffrey, in the place called Holstedemor, at a rent of 3d. per acre. He further concedes to the Canons a road to carry their hay, anywhere through his land, except through growing corn or unmown grass, and wood to fence the said meadow land, under view of his Forester in his Bosc of Mudle. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Rossall, Sir Vivian de Rossall, Sir Thomas de la Lee, Richard de Pecton, Martin de Boruton, Hamo le Botiler, Roger de Preston, William de Chippeknol, and William Banaster.

I shall notice under Petton a suit of the year 1256 wherein John le Strange was alleged to have deprived Richard de Petton and other Plaintiffs of a right of common in Billemers.

Albrighton, now Albright Hussey.

Domesday gives to Rainald Vicecomes two Manors in Bascherch Hundred, one of which must, and both of which may, have been represented by the Manor afterwards known as Albright Hussey.

[1] Harl. MS. 1396, fo. 253.


"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Abretone. Seuuardus tenuit. Ibi II hidae, non geldabiles. Ibi sunt III Villani et I Radman et unus Francigena cum IIII Bordariis, et habent II carrucas et dimidiam. Valet et valuit XV solidos". Again,- "Isdem Rainaldus tenet Etbretone et Herbertus de eo. Seuuardus, liber homo, tenuit. Ibi II hidae. In dominio est una carruca, et VIII Villani et IIII Bordarii cum II carucis. Valuit XIIII solidos: modo XXV solidos". [1]

Assuming both the above Manors to have been Consolidated in Albright Hussey we should expect the latter to reappear in the 13th century as a Manor of four hides. It was however uniformly reputed to contain only two hides. A probable reason may be given for such a diminution; for two of the four Domesday hides were ungeldable, and therefore might easily become obsolete in Records which were mainly intended as Registers of the fiscal and civil liabilities of Manors. As to Herbert, Rainald's Domesday Tenant in half of Albrighton, his name occurs nowhere else in Domesday, nor yet in any other Record. The first Hussey of whom I find mention was-

WALTER HUSSEY, living in 1165. The Liber Niger calls him Walter Hosatus, and gives him a knight's-fee of new feoffment in the Barony of Fitz Alan. [2] This precludes all idea of the Husseys being traceable to any Domesday origin. It is probable that Walter Hussey's Fee included not only Albright Hussey and its member Harlescott, but parts of Balderton and Sleap, theretofore members of Middle.

It was probably soon after the death of his Feoffor, the first William fitz Alan, that is about 1160-5, that Walter Hussey made the following grant to Lilleshull Abbey.- As "Walter de Hose" he appears as giving one parcel (locum) of his land of Herlaveschot (Harlascott), which lay between the arable land of the said vill and the land of Henechot. The gift was to enable the Canons (to whom Hencott belonged) to erect a stank. The Grantor gave it "for the soul of the Lord William fitz Alan; and in the presence and with the consent of Ralph, the Grantor's son and heir". [3]

Walter Hussey left two sons Ralph and William. Of William, the younger, as second husband of Leticia, heiress of Hadnall, we have already heard. We have also heard of-

RALPH HUSSEY, the elder son, as a tenant in capite at Ightfield, and as occurring in 1176 and 1204. [4] He had succeeded his Father in

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, 1, a and b.
[2] Liber Niger, I. 144.
[3] Lilleshull Chartulary, fo. 56.
[4] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 208, 209.


1174. It is to this Ralph and to Albright Hussey that the Forest-Roll of 1180 refers when it enters the "Vill of Ebreton Radulfi " as amerced 3s. for waste. Again in 1183 the Sheriff accounts for half a merk, an amercement set upon Ralph Hose for some act of disseizin.

I refer back to several attestations of Ralph Hose, ranging between the years 1175 and 1204. [1] In two instances he is accompanied by his brother William. As Jurors of Grand Assize, and as presumptively Knights, Ralph occurs in Easter Term 1200, and both Ralph and William in October 1203. In 1203-4 we have seen Ralph Hussey acting as one of the Manucaptors of his son Walter, accused of the murder of Wido de Shawbury.

WALTER HUSSEY (II), escaping, as I conceive, from this charge, occurs in succession to his father at Ightfield in 1211. His attestation of a Charter given under Hodnet [2] is perhaps five years earlier. The Rubric of a Lilleshall Charter accurately entitles this Walter as Walter, junior, Hose. The reference is to his Grandfather. In the Charter itself, "Walter Hose, son of Ralph Hose, confirms to the Lilleshull Canons their stank of Haremore, as founded upon his land of Harlaveschot, together with the land enclosed by a foss which had been made between his land and the aforesaid Mere (Hencott Pool), down to the boundaries of the land of Berewick".

On June 11, 1235, Walter Husee attests an agreement between Henry, Abbot of Shrewsbury, and Alan le Poer, of Wollascott. The Feodary of 1240 gives Walter Hozey as bolding half a knight's-fee in Adbritton of the Barony of Fitz Alan. [3] It would seem therefore that the service due on Hussey's Fee had been reduced one-half. Very soon after this, if we may judge by his attestation of a Hardwick Deed, [4]-

THOMAS HUSSEY had succeeded to Walter. This Thomas was deceased in 1255, leaving his son and heir,-

JOHN HUSSEY, in minority. The Pimhill Hundred-Roll, in describing the Manor now under notice as "Harlauscote", puts a part for the whole.-

It says that "Dame Margery de Lacy [5] holds two hides of land in Harlauscote, in the way of wardship". The estate was of the Fee of

[1] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 106; Vol. VII. p. 321; and Vol. IX. p. 323.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 329.
[3] Testa de Nevill, p. 44.
[4] Supra, page 49.
[5] Margery de Lacy I take to have been the aged widow of Walter de Lacy, who died in 1241. (See Vol. V. p. 240.)


John fitz Alan, and owed the service of one knight in wartime at Oswestry. It did suit to County and Hundred, and paid 16d. yearly for stretward and motfee. [1]

At the Forest Assizes of November 1271 John Husee was presented for some offence in the Bailiwick of Haughmond.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "John Hussey holds 2 hides of land in Adbrigton and Harlescote of the Fief of John fitz Alan, by doing the service of one Montarius at Oswestry in wartime".

About 1280-90 "John Husse, Lord of Adbryghton, gives to Symon Granegos, Burgess of Salop, for 30 merks and at a rent of 8s., a messuage, curtilage, and half-virgate in Adbryghton, with certain land called Shiotefeld, and 11 seilions near to Harlescott. Witnesses,- Sir John de Lee, Thomas Botterell, knights; Reyner de Lee, William Banastre, William de Wollascott, and Thomas de Wythington". [2]

JOHN HUSSEY (II) seems to have succeeded his father about this time. In 21 Edw. I. (1292-3), as Johannes filius Johannes Husey, Dominus de Adbritton, he gives to Hugh Bernerd, Burgess of Salop, estovers in the bosc of Adbritton Husey. Witnesses,- Richard de Letton, knight; William Banester, Richard de Letton, William de Willescot. [3]

At this time there is mention of a Richard Hussee, but who he was I cannot say.

John Huse was in 1301 Manucaptor of Thomas de Roshall, returned as Knight of the Shire for Salop. By an Inquest of 1310 it was found to be non-injurious to the Crown if Robert de Buckenhale and Cecily, his wife, were to give 3 virgates and 3 messuages in Albrighton Husee and Harlascote to Shrewsbury Abbey. The premises were held by a rent of 8s. 4d. under John Husee, of Adbrighton, who held of the Earl of Arundel, who held of the King.
[4] A coeval Fine shows that Abbot William paid 40 for the purchase. In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 John Huse is entered as Lord of the Vill of Adbrihton Huse. [5] He occurs as a witness seven years later, but more I cannot say of him.

RICHARD HUSSEY, who occurs from 1333 to 1349, was son and heir of John.

HARLESCOTT. Of Hussey's Undertenants here, I shall first name Richard Bernard, who occurs on a Leegomery Inquest in 1249, and

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] Leiger of Salop Abbey, p. 239.
[3] Harl. MS. 1396, fo. 177.
[4] Inquisitiones ad quod damnum, 3 Edw. II. No. 66.
[5] Parliamentary Writs, IV. p. 398.


on a Bolas Inquest in 1253, neither of which however indicate a then connection with Harlescott.

By Fine levied January 20, 1256, Eynon ap Owein and Margery, his wife (Deforciants), allow themselves to have given a virgate in Harlawscote to Richard, son of Richard Berner, of Salop;- to hold under themselves and the heirs of Margery at a penny rent. A sum of 9 was paid for this grant.

On April 20, 1258, Herbert de Herlescot, Margery his wife, and Juliana de Herlavescot, give half a merk, that their suit of novel disseizin against Richard Bernard and others, concerning a tenement in Herlaveston (sic), may be tried before the King when he should next visit Shrewsbury. [1]

In July 1258 and January 1259, Herbert de Herlavescot and his wife, Margery, have further Writs against Richard Bernard and others for disseizing them of a tenement in Herlavescot. In December 1270 Richard Bernard has a similar Writ against John Hose.

In 1250 Geoffrey de Langley set an arrentation on William, son of William de Herlavescot, for half an acre of forest-land.

William fitz John, William fitz William, and Henry Forester, all tenants in Harlascott, occur on a local jury in 1262-3; as also do Godfrey de Harlascote, and Adam, son of John de Harlascote, on a Jury of 1291.

SHREWSBURY ABBEY FEE. The lands acquired by the Abbey in Albright Hussey and Harlescott, are returned in the Valor of 1534 under the title, Harlescott, and as yielding 2. 16s. per annum. [2] The Ministers' Accounts of 1531-2 make the late Abbey's ferms in Harloscote to be 3. 12s. 8d. [3]


The eastern end of this Chapel was standing in the present century, and formed a division between two barns. [4]

In ancient times, both Albright Hussey and Harlescott formed parts of the Shrewsbury Parishes of St. Mary and St. Alkmund. The annexation of Albright Hussey to Battlefield is of course a later thing than the great event which suggested the foundation and formation of the Church and Parish of Battlefield.

On March 4, 1173 (1174 N. S.), Ralph Husey compounded with the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's for their parochial jurisdiction

[1] Rot. Finium, Vol. II. p. 275.
[2] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. 189.
[3] Monasticon, Vol. III. p. 528.
[4] Blakeway's MS.


over the Chapel of Albright Hussey, by securing them a pension (apparently of 4s.) for 100 years. This composition is so curious, that I must needs give it as it stands.-

Omnibus ad quos presens scriptum indentatum pervenerit Ranulphus Husey Dominus de Adbrighton Husey salutem. Noveritis me conscientia directum Decano et Canonicis liberae Capellae Regis Beatae Mariae Salop' dedisse, ad terminum C annorum, annuam pensionem IV sterlingorum solvendam in Capitulo per me et heredes, pro decimis et oblacionibus predictae Ecclesiae accidentibus, de Capella mea de Adbrighton Hussey, in exoneracione conscientiae meae. Dat' apud Adbrighton Husey 4to die mensis Marcii. A.D. 1173. [1]

Between the years 1200 and 1210 a person described as Jacobus Clericus was probably Incumbent of the Chapel of Albright Hussey, and in that capacity had a quarrel about tithes and other Church income with the Abbot and Convent of Lilleshull, who were Rectors of St. Alkmund.-

The matter went for Papal Arbitration, and was referred back to the decision of H. Abbot of Buildwas, R. Abbot of Hageman, and R. Prior of Wombridge. [2] James, the Clerk, surrendered to the Delegates, the Abbot of Lilleshull's right to the whole Vileinage (i.e. tithes of Tenants in villeinage) of Herlaveschot and of Edbricton, and the third sheaf of (the tithes of) the demesne of Edbricton; and allowed the same to pertain to St. Alcmund's Church. In return, R. Abbot of Lilleshull [2] allowed that James should hold at ferm, for his life, the third sheaf of the demesne of Edbricton, and the third sheaf of the Vileinage of Herlaveschot, at a rent of 2s. 6d., payable yearly at Michaelmas to the Abbot at St. Alcmund's Church. The said Church was still to receive from the Villeinage of Edbricton and Herlaveschot the following, viz. the consecrated bread, the pence, the candles, and the bodies of the dead (i.e. the right of burial). [3]

Certain tithes of Albright Hussey and the place itself were annexed, as I have said, to the Church and Parish of Battlefield. In 1535-6 the College of Battlefield was receiving 20s. yearly for the ferm of the Chapel of Albrighton Hussey. [4] As to Harlescott, it remains to this day in the Parish of St. Alkmund.

[1] From Blakeway's Collections.
[2] Huctred, Abbot of Buildwas (who occurs 1210), Ralph, Abbot of Haughmond (c. 1204-1210), Roger, Prior of Wombridge (who occurs 1204), and Ralph, Abbot of Lilleshull (c. 1204-1216), were probably the dignitaries to whose decision this matter was referred.
[3] Lilleshall Chartulary, fo. 67.
[4] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. p. 195.



JAMES, Chaplain of Albrighton, occurs early in the 13th century.

RICHARD DE ASTON, Clerk, was instituted to the Chapel of Albrighton Husee on May 12, 1300. Patron, John Husee. On January 30, 1314,-

THOMAS DE WHITINTON, Clerk, had been presented by John Heose, but the Bishop would not admit him by reason of his tender age. He however appoints Richard de Lilleshull, Priest, to be Custos of the Chapel and Curator of the youthful Presentee, to whose benefit the profits of the Chapel, the services being first provided for, are to be applied. On July 3, 1317, the Bishop, exercising a power of dispensation, admits-

ADAM HUSEE, Clerk, a youth of seventeen, to this non-curative Chapel. Patron, John Husee. On Sept. 4, 1338, Adam Husee having resigned,-

PHILIP, SON OF RICHARD HORD, OF WALLEFORD, Clerk, was admitted, at presentation of Richard, son of John Husee. Philip Hord died Oct. 3, 1349 (probably of the Pestilence), and on Dec. 20, following,-

THOMAS HUSEE, Clerk, was admitted to this Free Chapel. Patron, Richard Husee. On April 23, 1389,-

ROBERT MONTEGOMERY, Priest, was admitted, at presentation of Richard Husee, Esq. On April 23, 1390, Montegomery exchanges with-

JOHN BULEY, late Rector of Mannaven (S. Asaph. Dioc.).

ROGER YVE, OF LETON, Priest, was admitted Oct. 22, 1398, at presentation of Richard Husee, of Albrighton. Yve occurs as Rector in 1 Henry V. (1413-4). He resigned in 1447.

Rosshall and The Isle.

WE will now treat consecutively of three Manors in Bascherch Hundred, which Albert, ancestor of the knightly family of Rosshall, held under Rainald, the Sheriff, at Doomsday.-

"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Rosela, et Albertus de eo. Hunni tenuit T.R.E. Ibi I hida. In dominio est I carruca; et IIII servi, et II Villani,


et IIII Bordarii cum I carruca; et adhuc alia (carruca) posset ease. Valuit XX solidos; modo XII solidos". [1]

Again Domesday says,- "Isdem Rainaldus tenet Aitone et Albertus de eo. Leuric tenuit T.R.E. Ibi II hidae. In dominio est I carruca; et IIII servi, et II Villani, et III Bordarii cum I carruca. Ibi Molinum de X solidis. Valebat XV solidos: modo XXX solidos".

My reason for combining the two Manors of Rosshall and Eyton in one Chapter is because they were contiguous, and because their common tenure soon caused them to be named by a single name, that of Rosshall. The site of Eyton was probably that curious peninsula which the devious course of the Severn has traced out to the north-west of Shrewsbury. The name Eyton, always associated with circumfluent water, was appropriate to the locality. Though the vill of Eyton has been lost for centuries, the name is substantively preserved in the allusive title of The Isle.

HUGH FITZ ALBERT, a descendant of the Domesday Albert, appears between 1155 and 1160 attesting a Charter of the first William fitz Alan. [2]

In the Liber Niger of 1165 we find Hugh fitz Albert holding the fees of one knight and 3 Muntators, of old feoffment in the Barony of Fitz Alan. [3] The tenure, equal to 2 knights'-fees, was not merely in Rosshall, Eyton, and Welsh Hampton, but probably included estates at Middleton (near Bridgnorth), at Withyford, and other places.

It need not be assumed that this Hugh was son of the Domesday Albert. It is much more probable (and this would be quite consistent with the nomenclature of the period) that he was his grandson or great-grandson.

About Easter 1170 Hugh fitz Albert having previously died, his son, called Warin fitz Hugh, seems to have had livery of his inheritance. This I take to be the real meaning of an entry on the Pipe-Roll of 1170, when Guy le Strange was Custos of the Honour of William fitz Alan, deceased. The said Custos deducts 20s., or half a year's revenue of the land of Roshala, which the King had restored to Guarin fitz Hugh. [4] It is obvious that Rosshall had been in the King's hand as Custos of Fitz Alan's heir, and there is no other way of accounting for this minor escheat in Fitz Alan's Barony than by supposing the contemporary minority of the Heir of Rosshall.

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, a. 2.
[2] Supra, page 45.
[3] Liber Niger, I. 143.
[4] Rot. Pipe, 16 Hen. II., Salop.


In all later years of Guy le Strange's trust, down to 1175, he deducts at the rate of 2 yearly, in quietantia terrae de Roshalle quam Rex reddidit Warino filio Hugonis.

It is all but certain that the person here called Warin fitz Hugh was afterwards known only as-

VIVIAN DE ROSHALL. There is however nothing common in the language or derivation of the two names Warin and Vivian, nor do I know of any other instance where they have been thus interchanged.

The first occurrence of Vivian de Roshall, under that name, is in the Court of King Richard I., on January 24, 1190. [1] At the Shropshire Assizes of 1203 he appears as a Knight and a Juror in Grand-Assizes. At the Forest-Assizes of 1209 his Fine of 3 merks, that he might have quittance with regard to some Suretiship, is entered as if he were a Staffordshire man. His brother Ralph was one of those Rebels against King John who were taken prisoners at the siege of Carrickfergus in 1210. He seems to have endured a captivity of some years, for it is not till 18 March, 1215, that Vivian procured his enlargement by a Fine of 40 merks. A Patent of that date, addressed to the Constable of Sarum, orders his liberation.

If Vivian de Roshall had livery as early as 1170 we are not surprised at finding his attestations from about 1217 to about 1233 so frequently followed by those of Thomas his son. At the Assizes of 1221 Sir Vivian appears again as one of the knightly Jurors who tried causes of importance.

At these Assizes, viz. on Nov. 3, 1221, Vivian de Roshal, tenant of a carucate of land in Udelendun, [2] gave 40s. to Roger de Gyros for abandoning his claim thereto.

A Writ-close of December 1225 shows Vivian de Roshall as a Commissioner for collecting the tax of the fifteenth in Salop and Staffordshire. Again a Patent of June 7, 1233, shows him as a commissioner for collecting the tax of the fortieth in Shropshire, and as having paid an instalment thereof into the King's Wardrobe on the previous day at Wenlock. His age at this time cannot have been short of 80, unless indeed I have been speaking of two persons under one name. At present however any proof of such a change from father to son is wholly wanting.

The Pipe-Roll of the year 1235 shows that-

THOMAS DE ROSSALL and Robert de Wodenton had been

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 12.
[2] This is Hudlington.


Commissioners to assess a tallage in Shropshire. The collective inference from the Feodaries of 1240 is that Thomas de Rossall was then holding knights'-fees in Rosshall and its appurtenances, of the Barony of Fitz Alan. [1]

At Oxford on May 10, 1247, the Abbot of Combermere impleaded Thomas de Roshal for causing a horse of the Abbot to be seized. Robert Gener, Provost of Roshal, was the Defendant's Attorney, and the case was adjourned. I know not whether it was for this matter that in November 1248 Roger de Thurkelby, being in eyre at Salop, set the heavy fine of 15 merks on Thomas de Roshal pro transgressione. Even earlier than this, the attestations of Sir Thomas de Rosshall are followed by those of Sir Vivian his son. In March 1255 Thomas de Roshall and Henry de Haleweton were appointed, by Patent, Receivers of the sums arising from the sale of timber in the Shropshire Forests. The Hundred-Rolls, a Record of the ensuing summer, show the two Commissioners in circumstantial discharge of their trust.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll evidently indudes the Aitone of Domesday, under the heading of Roshale. It says that "Thomas de Roshall holds three hides, geldable, in Roshale. It is of the fee of John fitz Alan. He holds it by service of one knight at Oswestsy in wartime. He owes suit to County and Hundred, and pays 2s. yearly for stretward and motfee". [2]

The latest that I find of Thomas de Roshall is on a commission to rearrange a truce between King Henry III. and Lewellyn. He went for that purpose with Adam de Brington (Brimton) and Hoel ap Madoc to the Ford of Montgomery, and in 1261 the Sheriff paid the three 7. 10s. for their expenses. About the same time Sir Thomas de Roshal appears attesting a Deed, as Seneschal of Oswestry.

Several other attestations of Sir Thomas de Roshall must be dated later than 1255; but before 1263 he had been succeeded by his son and heir,-

VIVIAN DE ROSHALL (II), to whom with John fitz Alan and John de Chetwynd, a Patent of April 29, 1263, extends the usual protection, while they were abiding in the parts of Wales with Prince Edward.

A Letter of the second John fitz Alan, dated at Winchester on Sept. 21, 1265, is addressed to his faithful and beloved Sir Fynyan de Roshalle, Constable of Oswestry.

[1] Testa de Nevill, pp. 44, 47, 49.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


At the Assizes of October 1272 Sir Vivian de Roshall was a Juror in some principal causes. By a Fine levied at Westminster on Feb. 16, 1278, Wymanus de Rossall (as he is called) settles his Manors of Rossale, Honemanneby, and Eyton, on Thomas de Rossall, Isolda his wife, and the heirs of Thomas;- to hold of the Lords of the Fees. The Grantees agree to pay the Grantor a life-annuity of 20 merks. Soon afterwards, this Vivyan, whether living or not, was succeeded by his son and heir, the said Thomas; for-

THOMAS DE ROSHALL (II) appears on the Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 as holding Rossall of the Fee of John (sic) fitz Alan by service of one knight at Oswestry, in wartime. "Eton", adds the Record, "is a member of Rossall".

I find Sir Thomas de Rossal attesting as a Knight in May 1288, but I suppose him to have been one much earlier. About 1290-1 he married Nesta, widow of Roger Corbet of Chetton. She must have been his second wife. [1] At the Assizes of 1292 he was one of the Elizors for Pimhill Hundred and a Juror in cases of Quo Waranto. In 1297 he was returned as holding 20 of lands or rents, and as summoned to attend muster at London on July 7, prepared with horses and arms for foreign service. In the same year two Writs are addressed to him as a Commissioner of Levies in South Wales and in Shropshire. On March 6, 1300, he attended a Parliament at Westminster, as one of the Knights of the Shire returned for Salop. In May following he was appointed one of the Justices of Oyer and Terminer for the same County; [2] and in June he officiated as a Juror on the Great Perambulation of Shropshire Forests. In January 1301 he attended a Parliament at Lincoln as a Knight of the Shire for Shropshire. In June following he had a military summons to serve against the Scots. In October 1302 he once more sat in Parliament as a Knight of the Shire. In 1306 he was appointed a Collector in Salop of the Aid for knighting Prince Edward. [2] Vivian, his brother, who follows him in a testing-clause of the same year, seems to have had property in Yorkshire. [3] In 1307, 1308, and 1310 several Writs are addressed to Thomas de Roshhall as a Conservator of the Peace in Herefordshire.

A Writ of Diem clausit, dated Dec. 13, 1310, announces the death of Thomas de Rossehall, as of a Tenant-in-capite. An Inquest, held at Shrewsbury in January following, proves that he was

[1] Supra, Vol. I. p. 181.
[2] Parliamentary Writs, I. 810, 811.
[3] Abbrev. Placitorum, p. 210. This Vivian de Rosshall and his wife Eva have already occurred under Horton in 1299 (vide supra, Vol. VII. page 137).


no such thing. He had held Rosshall with its members of Eton and Yakedon, under Edmund, Earl of Arundel, by service of one knight's-fee. The principal features of the estate were a Capital messuage, a small wood, a Watermill (worth one merk), and a Windmill (worth half a merk yearly). The rents of free tenants were worth 30s. Thomas, son and heir of the deceased, was aged 27 years, on August 1, 1310. [1]

THOMAS DE ROSHALL (III) appears as a Knight in May 1314. In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 he is entered as Lord of Preston-Gobald and Roshall. As a Knight of the Shire for Salop, he was returned to the several Parliaments of 1316, 1319, and 1322. As a Commissioner of Levies or Array he is addressed in Writs of 1316 and 1322, onewhile acting in Shropshire, onewhile in Northamptonshire, and against the remains of the Lancastrian faction. In May 1324 he was returned from the three Counties of Shropshire, Northamptonshire, and Bedfordshire, as summoned to attend a Great Council impending at Westminster. [2] The elder male line of the Rosshalls eventually vanished in Coheiresses, one of whom took the estate to the Englefields.

Of UNDERTENANTS in Roshall I need only notice Robert de Roshal, who dying before November 1221, left a daughter, Alice, whose guardian, one Roger, gave her estate, viz. a noke in Roshal, to his own son William. Alice sued William for the same at the Assizes of 1221, and though his guardian endeavoured to postpone the suit on account of William's minority, it was tried. The Jury found the facts as above, viz. that Roger had died seized de custodia, not de feodo, and that Robert, Alice's father, had died seized de feodo. They added that Roger was base-born, an argument I presume against his asserted tenure-in-fee. William fitz Roger was spared any amercement because of his minority.


Both Up Rossall and The Isle are in the Shrewsbury Parish of St. Chad; but the Chapel of Up Rossall, being founded by the Lords of the Manor, seems to have attained an early independence.

The Taxation of 1291 calls it the Church of Roshall, and values it at 1. 13s. 4d. per annum. [4] The Valor of Henry VIII. does not mention it, so that its early history is mainly that of its-

[1] Inquis. 4 Edw. II., No. 13.
[2] Parliamentary Writs, IV. 1355.
[3] Assize Roll, 6 Hen. III., m. 7.
[4] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 245.



THOMAS, Chaplain of Roshall, occurs as a witness about 1240-50. [1]

SIR MATTHEW, Rector of this Chapel, occurs before 1317, [2] and died Feb. 3, 1326.

WILLIAM DE ROSHALE, Clerk (son of Thomas de Roshall), was admitted March 4, 1326, at presentation of Sir Thomas de Roshale, knight. He died Dec. 14, 1333, when-

WILLIAM DE APPLEBY, Acolyte, was admitted. Same Patron. Appleby died about Michaelmas 1349 (probably of the pestilence).

WILLIAM DE ALBRYGHTON, Chaplain, was admitted Jan. 5, 1350, at presentation of the Lord Richard, Earl of Arundell, Patron hac vice.

SIR PHILIP LEE, styled Custos or Rector of Roshall Chapel, died in 1398-9. On Jan. 27, 1399,-

MASTER WILLIAM NEWHAWE was admitted. On Feb. 9, 1399, he exchanges preferments with-

MASTER WILLIAM NEWPORT, late Canon of St. John's, Chester.

The latter resigned immediately, and on Feb. 19, 1399,-

SIR WILLIAM WALFORD was admitted. He resigned in 1418, when, on Nov. 5,-

SIR ... FELTON, Chaplain, was admitted. Patron,- "the noble Philip de Yngelfeld, Lord of Rossale".

ADAM, Incumbent of Rossall, being deceased on Aug. 23, 1442,-

WILLIAM MARCHALL was presented by Robert Englefeld, Esq. He died in 1444, when, on Oct. 24th,-

JOHN SMITH was instituted. This is the last institution recorded in the Diocesan Registers.

Welch Hampton.

"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Hantone. AEldit tenuit T.R.E. Ibi III hidae. Albertus tenet de Rainaldo. In dominio est I caruca, et III servi et VI Villani et IIII Bordarii cum II carrucis; et aliae II carrucae possent ibi esse. T.R.E. valebat XV solidos: modo (valet) XXX solidos". [3]

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 269.
[2] Supra, Vol. III. p. 193.
[3] Domesday, fo. 255, a, 2.


In 1255, Rainald's representative (Fitz Alan) and Albert's representative (De Rosshall) had still the Seigneury and the Tenancy of Welch Hampton; but the Manor had apparently lost one-sixth of its Domesday hidage.- "Thomas de Roshall holds 2 geldable hides in Hanton. It is of the Fee of John fitz Alan, and (is held) by performance of knight's-service at Oswestry for 40 days in war-time. It does suit to County and Hundred; and pays 20d. for stretward and motfee". [1]

Either Thomas de Roshall or his son, Vivian, afterwards alienated this tenure to Sir Peter de Montfort, of whom we shall hear more under Ellesmere. Montfort in turn sold his interest to Hamo le Strange, the great Royalist of 1264-5. The Seigneury still remained with Fitz Alan, as an Inquest of 1272, calling the place Holton, seems to have shown. [2] Meantime Hamo le Strange had enfeoffed his brother Roger, in both Ellesmere, Coolmere, and Hampton. Roger retained seizin of all three, till Adam de Chetwynd, then Escheator for Cheshire, ejected him. This induced Roger to petition the Crown; and a Writ of Edward I., dated March 3, 1274, caused the Inquest from which the above information has been derived. [3] Hatton, the Jurors added, was of the Fee of Sir John fitz Alan. There can be no doubt that, as Ellesmere was conditionally restored to Roger le Strange, so Hampton became his again by a surer title, and went to his heirs. The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "Roger le Strange owes Hampton immediately of John (sic) fitz Alan, by service of one knight's-fee at Oswestry for 15 days in wartime".

On Nov. 4, 1280, an Extent of Roger le Strange's Manor of Hampton valued it at 3. 14s. 2d. per annum. Among the items were 44, acres of demesne; Pleas of Court, 5s.; Rents of free Tenants, Cottars and Natives, 5s. 2d.; 3s. 6d.; and 1. 18s. 3d. The free Tenants were Oweyn fitz Gronow, Stephen de Fraunketon, Richard de Prene, and Richard fitz Elyas. [4]

After Roger le Strange's death, the mesne lordship over Colemere and Hampton seems to have gone to his right heirs, the Stranges of Knokyn, descended from his eldest brother.


The original Chapel of Welch Hampton was probably a mere

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] Calend Inquis. Vol. I. p. 40.
[3] Inquis. 1 Edw. I., No. 37.
[4] Forest-Roll, No. 14. Salop.


affiliation of Ellesmere Church. Its place seems to have been supplied by a more independent foundation.-

This second Chapel was founded in the year 1391 by John, son of Madoc de Kynaston, "to the honour of God, of the blessed Virgin Mary, and the most blessed Confessor St. Leonard". The foundation was with full consent of "Roger de Hampton, Perpetual Vicar of the Parish Church of St. Mary of Ellesmere", as his Deed, dated at Ellesmere on April 6, 1391, more fully declares. The Deed further declares that John fitz Madoc and his heirs shall always have the patronage of the said Chapel, without any claim or charge of any future Vicar of Ellesmere, and that the Chapel shall be free and entire, and separate from the Parish Church in all things, except as regards proper and incidental matters of ordinary jurisdiction. [1]


The following were all Incumbents of the original Chapel, viz. that which existed before John de Kynaston's foundation:-

ROBERT DROS, Rector thereof, died Dec. 26, 1328.

SIR JOHN DE ELLESMERE, Chaplain, was admitted Oct. 9, 1329, at the presentation of the Lady Isabella, Queen of England. [2] He died Sept. 26, 1349 (probably of the pestilence). On Dec. 2 following-

EDMUND DE BURGTON, Clerk, was admitted at presentation of "Sir Roger le Straunge, Lord of Knokyn and of Ellesmere, knight".

The Diocesan Registers do not appear to furnish any later presentations; nor is the Chapel mentioned in Henry VIII's Valor.


"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Saleurdine. AEli tenuit T.R.E. Ibi II hidae. In dominio sunt II carrucae, et IIII Bovarii, et III Villani, et

[1] Collect. Topogr. et Genealogica, Vol. V. p. 179. John, son of Madoc de Kynaston, was at the time Lord of Welch Hampton. He was undoubtedly ancestor of the present Baronet, and (says my authority) of nearly all the existing branches of the Kynastons. He was also Seneschal of Ellesmere Castle and of the Marches thereabout.
[2] Ellesmere was at this period in the Crown. Hence this presentation by Edward III.'s mother.


IIII Bordarii, cum II carrucis et dimidia. Valuit et valet XL solidos". [1]

There is nothing in this extract from Domesday indicative of any existent, or promissory of any subsequent, importance for Shrawardine. The next tidings which we have of the place is that Rainald Vicecomes and Hugh son of Warin Vicecomes concurred in giving the tithes of Seraordina to Shrewsbury Abbey.

Henry II.'s Confirmation to Shrewsbury Abbey, passing in 1155, records a gift of one Fulco Pincerna, viz. half a tract of unfilled ground (dimidium heremum) in the wood of Seraordina. I cannot say who Fulco Pincerna was, nor do I find the Abbey subsequently possessed of land in Shrawardine.

It must have been at least as early as the reign of Henry I., that Shrawardine was discerned to be a fitting spot for one of those Fortresses which constituted a second or interior line of defence against Welsh aggression, or of safe rendezvous for the English Marchers. Thus, while Oswestry, Knokyn, Carrechova, and Whittington were the more advanced posts of border warfare, the Castles of Shrawardine, Ellesmere, and Ruyton lay more in the rear. Of the relative antiquity of Shrawardine Castle I believe that there is only one documentary proof. In the year 1165 Philip Helgot, acknowledging his service of castle-guard as returnable at Shrawardine, says expressly that it was "the same as his Antecessors had been used to render". [2]

Moreover it would appear that, though this Castle was founded in Fitz Alan's Fief, it was founded by the Crown. Certainly during the first century of its existence, it was held, repaired, victualled, and garrisoned by the Crown, without any interest or obligation of Fitz Alan being apparent in the matter. The proof of these statements will constitute the earlier history of Shrawardine Castle.-

In December 1164 Geoffrey de Vere was appointed Sheriff of Shropshire, while Guy le Strange, the preceding Sheriff, continued to be Custos of Fitz Alan's estates. In July 1165 King Henry II. encamped at Oswestry, intending an attack on North Wales. It is the Sheriff, and not the Custos, who at the following Michaelmas charges the Crown with a sum of 6, which he had disbursed to 50 Servientes at Suewardin. Again, as a later Pipe-Roll informs us, the Sheriff, between Michaelmas 1165 and April 23, 1166, disbursed a sum of 62. 1s. 4d. to 100 Servientes "of Shrawardine and of the March". [3]

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, a, 1.
[2] Supra, Vol. III. p. 177.
[3] The pay will be found to be about 5d. a week to each man.


we need not inquire how the place acquired the latter name, though we cannot regard Isabel de Mortimer as its second Founder. Shrawardine Castle was occupied by her son, Richard, Earl of Arundel, before he had attained the age of manhood; for a Deed of his, which passed in March 1292, is dated at Schyreveworthdin. [1] In the same year the Earl was questioned for the exercise of certain franchises in Shrawardine and other Manors. His defence to the Writ of Quo Waranto has been given under Upton Magna. [2]

An Inquest taken at Shrawardine on May 19, 1302, after the death of Richard, Earl of Arundel, states that Manor to have been held in capite for a knight's-fee. The Castle was not deemed of any annual value. The late Earl's demesnes consisted of 80 acres of arable land, 6 acres of meadow, and 40 acres of bosc. The free-tenants paid 2. 10s. 7d. rents; the Villeins 5. 16s. 1d.; the Cottars 4s. 4d.; and ten tenements of half a virgate each were let for 4. Ensdon and Forton are both accounted members of Shrawardine. The annual income, from Shrawardine and Upton Magna combined, was 33. 18s. 5d.

Tradition tells of a young Fitz Alan, who, through the carelessness of his nurse or his own temerity, fell from the battlements of Shrawardine Castle, and so perished. Neither name nor date is assigned to a circumstance, sufficiently credible in itself, and showing the state of a district where females and infants might not visit field or wood, even for the purposes of ordinary recreation.

ENSDON is usually accounted a member of Shrawardine. It constituted part of the dower assigned to Hawise, widow of the first John fitz Alan, in 1240; but in 1272 (when Shrawardine generally was assigned in dower to Isabel, widow of the third John fitz Alan) the rents of Edeneston, a member of Shrawardine, were excepted. They amounted to 6. 7s. 9d., and were allotted to the King as Guardian of young Richard fitz Alan. [3] We have seen that, later in the same year, the King made over these identical rents to Roger de Mortimer of Wigmore. [4]

In 1302 the specific rents of Edeneston, a member of Shrawardine, were 4.


Shrawardine is the one Parish of this district, to enclose which the Diocese of Hereford passed its natural and ordinary boundary,

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 84.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 261.
[3] Claus. 56 Hen. III., m. 4.
[4] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 259.


[For engraving, see pdf.]


the River Severn. The reason which I have assigned for such an anomaly in the cases of Badger, Beckbury, Madeley, and Little Wenlock, [1] does not hold good here. The aera of the arrangement is too old even for antiquarian speculation.

Domesday mentions neither Church nor Priest at Shrawardine, and I cannot hesitate to say that the district then belonged to the Mother Church of Alberbury, though south of the Severn. There was however an independent Church here in King John's reign, for he presented a Rector thereto.

On Nov. 27, 1288, Bishop Swinfield, visiting his Diocese for the second time, crossed the River Severn at the ford of Schrewardyn and preached in Schrewardyn Church. He returned to Alberbury the same day. His Visitation of 1290 did not take him so far north as Shrawardine.

The Taxation of 1291 places the Church of Shrewardyn in the Diocese of Hereford, the Archdeaconry of Salop, and the Deanery of Pontesbury. Its value was 5 per annum.
[2] As to the tithes having been granted to Shrewsbury Abbey, the gift is indeed inserted pro forma in several Royal Confirmations, but it had no actual permanence. Probably it was never recognized by the Fitz Alans, and it seems to have altogether wanted Episcopal sanction.

In 1341 the Assessors of the Ninth rated the Parish of Shrawarthin at 2;- so much less than the Church-Taxation of 5, because the Earl of Arundel had enclosed 3 carucates in his Park, and because 3 carucates more lay waste, from the insufficient means of the tenantry. Moreover a vast quantity of growing wheat had been destroyed by a flood of the Severn. Lastly the Church-Taxation included Glebe-land, hay-tithes, oblata, and other small tithes, which had no reference to the present assessment. [3]

An inquest of the year 1386 found Shrawardine Chapel to be free and without any cure of souls, and that this was by ancient custom. The Cure of the said Chapelry belonged to the Vicar of Alberbury. The Benefice was worth 5 per annum.

In 1528 I find this Church entitled Capella, Sacellum, seu Ecclesia de Cherathdon, alias Shrewardyn.

The Valor of 1535 gives 10 as the income of David Egerley, Rector of Scrawardyn; out of which he paid 6s. 8d. for Procurations, and 1s. for Synodals. [4]

[1] Supra, Vol. III. p. 326.
[2] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 167.
[3] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 185.
[4] Valor Eccles. III. 213.



ROBERT DE CERNE, Clerk, presented Nov. 10, 1213, by King John as having in hand the estates late William fitz Alan's. [1]

HERBERT, Clerk of the Marshalsea, presented June 20, 1230, by a Charter of King Henry III. [2]

HUGH DE BIRYTON, [3] Deacon, inducted March 13, 1305, to the Church of Schrewardyn;- the King presenting as Custos of the heir of (Richard) the late Earl of Arundel. Biryton resigned the Church of Castle-Isabel in 1325, when, on December 12,-

SIR JOHN DE STRETTON, Clerk, was admitted to the same.

On Dec. 20, 1325, Stretton exchanged preferments with-

ROBERT DE NORTHWICK, late Rector of Kynfare (Lichf. Dioc.), who was admitted to the Church of Castle Isabel, at presentation of Edmund, Earl of Arundel.

HUGH occurs as Rector on January 30, 1331, when the Bishop of Hereford censures the Archdeacon severely for appointing William, brother of this Hugh, as his Coadjutor: thus setting at nought the Bishop's paramount authority.

SIR WILLIAM DE WOLVERTON was presented July 19, 1352, by Richard, Earl of Arundel. On his resignation, and on May 16, 1354,-

SIR WILLIAM DE WARDEN, Priest, was presented by the same Patron. He resigned in 1355, when, on Dec. 16,-

SIR HUGH LE ZONGE, Chaplain, was presented by the same Patron. He resigned in 1358, when, on August 14,-

SIR ADAM DE ERTHAM was presented by the same Earl. He resigned in 1359, when, on October, 14,-

SIR WILLIAM DE DRAYTON, Chaplain, was instituted on a like presentation. He died in 1386-7, and on March 21, 1387,-

ROBERT PEBELLEWE or POBELLOWE, Clerk, was instituted to the Free Chapel of St. Mary of Shrawardine, at the presentation of Richard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey. On his resignation, and on May 22, 1388,-

RICHARD CLOPP, Clerk, was instituted on a like presentation. He resigned in 1408, when, on July 21,-

[1] Rot. Patent. 15 John, m. 7.
[2] Rot. Chart. 14 Hen. III., p. 1. The Charter merely says that the Church is in the King's gift (ad donam Regis spectans). I suppose that the title of Fitz Alan to the Advowson had not as yet been fully recognized.
[3] The Patent, presenting this Rector calls him "Hugh, son of Richard de Biriton" (Pat. 33 Edw. I., m. 13).


THOMAS WILLMER, Clerk, was instituted at the presentation of Thomas, Earl of Arundel and Surrey. Willmer died in 1427.

Little Ness or Earls Ness.

"Isdem Rainaldus tenet Nesse. Seuuardus tenuit T.R.E. Ibi III hidae. In dominio sunt II carrucae, et IIII Villani et III Bordarii cum II carrucis; et aliae II (carrucae) possunt adhuc esse. Ibi Molinum de XX solidis et sexcentis anguillis. T.R.E. valebat III libras, et post IIII libras; modo X solidos plus". [1]

I have given, under Middle Church, the evidence which shows that Warin Vicecomes, his successor, Rainald, or his son, Hugh, gave the tithes of Little Ness to Shrewsbury Abbey. The gift will have been but impletive of Earl Roger's donation of the Church of Baschurch, which I presume comprehended Little Ness within its Parish.

As Little Ness was always held by the Fitz Alans in demesne, I have fewer particulars to give about the central Manor than about its members.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "John fitz Alan holds, in John fitz Alan's Nesse, [2] three non-geldable hides; and he holds the same in capite of the King as parcel of his Manor of Oswestry; and he affirms himself to have a Franchise and Warren (libertatem et warennam)". [3]

On the death of John fitz Alan (III) Little Ness was annexed to the dower of Isabel de Mortimer, his widow. Hence the Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "Isabella de Mortuomari holds Nesse of the King in capite, and it pertains to the Barony of Album Monasterium".

Later documents give no variation from these accounts, so that the further history of Little Ness would be but a repetition of what has been already stated at large in the account of Fitz Alan's Barony. Of the members of Little Ness we have some interesting particulars.-

MILFORD. Here was probably that very Mill which Domesday

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, a, 1.
[2] Nesse Johannis filii Alana;- to distinguish it from Nees Strange.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.


notices as so valuable a constituent of the Manor of Ness. I have already told how John fitz Alan (II) bequeathed this Mill with his body in burial, to Haughmond Abbey, and how John fitz Alan (III) ratified his father's bequest. [1]

Nevertheless, on the death of the latter in March 1272, his widow, Isabel de Mortimer, impleaded the Abbot for her thirds in the Mill, and in 7s. rent, receivable from Mulford. The Abbot called Roger de Mortimer (Isabel's father), to warrant the Charter of John fitz Alan, deceased. This was because the said Roger was in part Custos of Fitz Alan's estates, but he refused to plead, or to give any warranty, unless the King joined him (he having his trust from the King). Muleford Mill was at length (on May 3, 1274) valued by Inquest. It was ascertained to yield a clear annual revenue of 20 measures of hard corn, worth, at 4s. per measure, 4. The person who farmed the Mill was bound to repair it. A King's Writ of June 22, 1274, orders the Escheator to cause Isabel de Mortimer to have her exact thirds, viz. 2 merks from the Mill, and 2s. 4d. of the aforesaid rent.

BENTMILL. I think that this Mill was in Little Ness, and was distinct from Milford Mill, though the two often occur in conjunction and were perhaps eventually amalgamated.

I will give, in an abbreviated form, the important but lengthy Charter by which, between the years 1268 and 1271, the third John fitz Alan sold Bentmill to Haughmond Abbey.-

Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes filius Alani tercius, dominus Arundelliae, dedi, etc., Ecclesiae de Haghmon, molendinum illud quod dicitur Benetmull, cum aquis, stagnis, ripis, etc., cum molta et secta hominum meorum et omnium tenencium meorum in Manerio de Schrewardin, Moneford, et de Nesse, eta quod si aliquis eorum inveniatur alibi molere blada sua quam in molendino predicto, eo ipso perdat blada sua. Ego vero et heredes mei warantizabimus dictis Canonicos quod nunquam infra Maneria de Schewardin, Moneford, et de Nesse molendinum aliquod construetur a quocunque, nec aqua a suo cursu solito divertetur. Et si contingat aliquod molendinum de novo construi, ego et heredes mei, pro quolibet molendino novo, cum constructum fuerit sine voluntate dictorum Canonicorum, solvemus eis de redditu Manerii de Schrewardin in Monesterio de Haghmon ad festum Sti. Michaelis XXX solidos, et ad festum Annunciacionis XXX solidos quousque dictum novum molendinum prostratum sit. Et ad vestiendum dictos Canonicos de isto redditu dedi illis cuppam

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 256, 257.


meam deauratam ponderis XXXIJ solidorum. Dedi etiam eisdem Canonici, novem solidos annui redditus de villa de Muleford. Volo etiam et concedo quod dicti Canonici habeant semper sufficientem meremium et estoveria in boscis meis de Schrewardin et de Nesse ad dictum molendinum, et ad omnia eorum molendina infra dominium meum super Pevereye [1] reparanda. Concessi preterea dictis Canonicis meremium de bosco meo de Upton-subtus-Haghmon ad molendina sua de Upton. Pro ista vero concessione, et Warantizacione predictorum, dederunt mihi dicti Canonici XLta libras argenti, et Advocacionem Ecclesiae de Stoke-juxta-Arundel. [2] Hiis testibus. Domino Johanne Extraneo, Viviano de Roshale, Johanne filio Aeri, Johanne de Ercalue, Rogero filio Alani, et multis aliis.

Another Charter of the same Baron is more than a repetition of the last, in that it names the tenants who were now to pay the 9s. rent for Muleford. They were Hugh de Schrewardin Junior, Richard fitz Agnes and Adam his brother, and John Smith. This Charter then goes on to confirm certain acquisitions of the Canons in Hydesland, Aston, and Wodeton, of which matter I will speak elsewhere. In addition to the witnesses of the last it is attested by Reyner de Acton and Hugh fitz Philip.

Richard, Earl of Arundel, inspected, recited, and confirmed the last-named Charter of his father. He did so "for the souls' health of himself and his deceased consort the Countess Alesya". [3] Witnesses,- Sir John le Strange, quintus; Nicholas de Alditheleg; William de Hodnet, Thomas de Roshale, knights; Reginald de Schavinton, Yvo de Sulton, Philip de Peninton, Thomas de Wythinton, and others. This Confirmation passed between 1292 and 1299.

In 1300 Richard Knight of Walford, was farming the two Mills of Mulforde and Bentmille under Haghmon Abbey, and had timber from the Wood of Nesse for their reconstruction, in virtue of Earl Richard's Confirmation.

On February 2, 1316, the Abbot demises to William, son of Roger de Addecote, the Mill of Mulforde and of Bent, for life, paying, for rent, 26 measures of good hard corn, at such times as the Mills should earn them.

ADDCOTT. This member of Little Ness was given in fee, by some Fitz Alan, to some ancestor of the House of Rosshall.

[1] The old name of the River Perry.
[2] Stoke (Sussex); the Church given to Haughmond by William fitz Alan (I). See Vol. VII. pp. 289, 293.
[3] For some particulars of this Lady, see Vol. VII p. 261.


The first Thomas de Rosshall gave the vill wholly to Haghmon Abbey. This was between the years 1259 and 1263. His Charter shows it to have been a gift in frank almoign, and nothing is stipulated for the Grantor but the prayers and good offices of the "House of Haghmon". All the Grantor's tenants pass with the vill, as well as their families and chattels, and the Abbot may eject them or change them at his pleasure. Witnesses,- Sir John fitz Alan, Sir John fitz Philip, Hamo le Botiler, Hugh de Schrewardin, Peter de Pecton, and Roger de Stanwardyn.

The above Deed probably passed at a troubled period. It was in the month after the Battle of Evesham, and when the Realm was again at peace, that "John fitz Alan, Lord of Arundel", being at Winchester, expedited a Letter to Fynyan de Roshalle, Constable of Oswestry, and William de Drayton, Bailiff of Wroxeter, and all others his Bailiffs and Lieges of the March. He as "Lord of the Fee", enjoins that the said Officers give the Abbot of Haghmon ingress in, and peaceable possession of, Addecote, as granted by Sir Thomas de Roshalle. Dated on the feast of St. Matthew (September 21), Anno Gratiae 1265. [1]

The Confirmation of Vivian, "son and heir of Sir Thomas de Roshall, knight", is as plenary as the Grant of his Father. It probably passed about 1265-70, being attested by Sir Odo de Hodnet and Sir John fitz Aer, knights; Robert Corbet of Morton, John Lord of Ercalwe, John de Haukeston and others.

I must now revert to an earlier period, and show how Addcott had been held by a younger branch of the House of Rosshall, under the elder; and how Addcott-Mill had been given to Haghmon Abbey long before the Vill itself was bestowed.

There was a Hugh de Russal living in 1203, but all I can say of him is that one Richard de Wyldritheled was then impleading him, under Writ of mort d'ancestre. There was also a Hugh de Roshall, who seems to have made some grant to Haghmon Abbey about the year 1230, but all I can say of the Grant is that it was attested by Sir John le Strange, Senior, and his two sons, John and Hamo, by Thomas de Lee, and by Hugh and Henry, sons of the Grantor. [2]

This Hugh de Rosshall has further been seen, following Thomas de Rosshall (his nephew I think) as a witness of a Hadnall Deed, about 1235-40. [3]

[1] Harl. MS. 446. Quatern. XII. fo. 9.- Fitz Alan was probably attendant at the Great Council, summoned to assemble at Winchester, on Sept. 8, 1265.
[2] Harl. MS. 2188, fo. 123.
[3] Supra, page 53.


About the year 1241 "Hugh de Roshalle gave to Haghmon Abbey, together with his body in burial, the Mill of Addecote, with suit of the whole vill and toll of his own corn, ground there. Witnesses, Sir John le Strange, Sir William de Hedley, and Sir Nicholas de Wilileg". I presume that Hugh de Rossall's residuary interest in Addcott reverted to the head branch of the family.

About the year 1255, and before he gave the vill of Addcott to Haghmon Abbey, "Thomas de Rossall allowed the Canons to erect a fulling-mill in his fee, below that Mill in Addecote which they already had from him and his Antecessors. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Lee, John de Morton, Richard de Pecton, Richard de Lopinton".

The Taxation of 1291 says that the Abbot of Haghmon had three Mills, worth 1 per annum, at Muleferd (Milford), Benetmulne (Bentmill), Addecote, and Fyces (Fitz). Some rent also coming from Addestete (Qy. Addcott?) is classed with rents from Walleford, Fitz, and Grafton. [1]

On Sept. 30, 1478, the Abbey leases 4 messuages and 2 virgates in the vill and fields of Addecote, to Richard Brome, for 81 years. Rent 1. 4s. 8d.

On Oct. 10, 1478, the Abbey leases to the same for 80 years, its Mill of Addecote. Rent 60s. payable to the Lessors, and 3s. payable to Shrewsbury Abbey for a moor near the Mill.

The Valor of Henry VIII. probably includes all the Haughmond receipts from this quarter under the title Muryden, of which place we have yet to speak. The Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2 are more distinctive, and include the following items. Brent Mulford,- free rent, 9s.; Adcote,- land and tenement, 2. 5s. 4d.; ferm of a Mill, 2. [2]


This is, and ever has been, a mere dependency of Baschurch. The Curacy is in fact annexed to the Vicarage of Baschurch, and the Vicar receives the small tithes. Of the antiquity of the Chapel I have no further evidence than that which the Ecclesiologist may be pleased to infer from the somewhat uncertain test of architectural remains.

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 260.
[2] Monasticon, VI. 114.


English Frankton.

Domesday describes this Manor as follows.-

Isdem Rainaldus tenet Franchetone, et Robertus de eo. Aldi tenuit T.R.E. Ibi II hidae. In dominio est una carruca, et II Bovarii, et III Villani cum carruca. T.R.E. valebat X solidos; modo (valet) XV solidos. [1]

For the successor of Rainald's tenant, Robert, we look after a lapse of 80 years to the Liber Niger, and find that in 1165,-

RICHARD DE FRANKTON was holding a Muntator's-fee in the Barony of Fitz Alan. [2]

About the year 1190 we have a Loppington Deed attested by Richard de Frankton and Reginald his son. The latter was doubtless the person who, as-

REYNER DE FRANKTON, attests, about the year 1204, a Charter which I shall set forth under Crickett. Again, about the year 1220 we have Reiner de Frankton attesting a grant in Grinsill, made to Robert, son of Richard de Frankton; and about 1230 we have seen the same Reyner, or his son, attesting an Edgebold Deed. [3]

REYNER DE FRANKTON (II) will have died within a short time of his father. Agnes, widow of the Father, and Margaret, widow of the Son, have both appeared under Crudington about 1230-1235. [4]

I suppose that Margaret, the younger widow, had the better part of Frankton, in dower or in custody, during the minority of her son Richard, but that, she having taken a second husband, viz.-

EYNON FITZ OWEN, the latter was entered in the Feodaries of 1240 as holding half a knight's-fee in Franketon of the Barony of Fitz Alan. [5]

Under Harlescott I have shown this Eynon fitz Owen, with his wife Margery, as living in 1256, and granting a feoffment there, as if Margery was not merely a dowered widow but an heiress. [6] However, before this, her son-

RICHARD DE FRANKTON (II) had succeeded to his paternal inheritance. At the Inquest of Pimhill Hundred in 1255 he sat as a Juror, and was found to be holding hides in Frankton of the fee

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, a, 1.
[2] Liber Niger, I. 144.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 324.
[4] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 102, 103.
[5] Testa de Nevill, pp. 44, 47, 49.
[6] Supra, page 84.


of Fitz Alan. His service thereon was that of half a knight's-fee at Oswestry for 40 days. He did suit to County and Hundred, and paid 16d. yearly for motfee and stretward. [1]

At the Assizes of 1256 Richard de Frankton sat as a Juror for Pimhill Hundred. In the same year he was reported as one of those who, holding 15 librates of land, were not as yet knights. About 1260-3 we have seen him, as "Richard, son of Reginald de Frankton", making grants in Crudgington to Shrewsbury Abbey, one of which was confirmed by Margery, his Mother.

I find Richard de Frankton sitting on a Milford Inquest in 1274. The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 registers him as holding Frankton under Fitz Alan by service of half a knight's-fee at Oswestry, for 15 days, in wartime.

I can say nothing more of this family as connected with English-Frankton. In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 William le Botiler (of Wem), who was then Lord of Loppington and Burlton, is also set down as Lord of Fraunketon.

PAROCHIALLY, English Frankton was a member of Ellesmere.

Albrighton, or Monks' Albrighton.

The Domesday notice of this Manor is exceptional and supplementary; probably because the Commissioners, owing to the recent decease of Warin Vicecomes, could not determine its exact status till it was recognized by his successor Rainald. The following notice was therefore appended at the very foot of Rainald's Domesday Manors, and, though the Record distinguishes Albrighton as in Baschurch Hundred, it separates it from Rainald's eleven Manors, already noticed, by a wide interval.-

"Alcher tenuit de Warino, qui fuit Antecessor Rainaldi, Etbritone. Gheri tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi III hidae geldabiles. Terra est VI carrucis. In dominio sunt II (carrucae) et IIII servi et unus Francigena et VI Villani et unus Bordarius cum III carrucis. T.R.E. valebat XX solidos, et post XV solidos. Modo (valet) XXV solidos". [2]

The truth probably is that Alcher, the Ancestor of Fitz Aer, had, before Domesday, given Albrighton to Shrewsbury Abbey, but the

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] Domesday, fo. 255, b, 1.


Domesday Commissioners did not find the gift so substantiated as to warrant their registration of it; they therefore spoke in the above remarkable and guarded manner of the preterite state of the Manor. Earl Roger's Charter to Shrewsbury Abbey fills up the blank of intelligence. Aherius dedit Etburtonam cum suis appendiciis, are the few words which satisfy all curiosity as to the Giver and the Gift, and add one item more to the incomparable merits of Domesday as a Digest.

The Confirmations of Henry I., Henry II., Stephen, and Henry III. duly record Alcher's or Aher's grant. Nothing therefore remains but to speak of Monks-Albrighton in the condition which gave it that distinctive name.-

In 1167 Alan de Nevill, Justice of the Forest, set a Fine of 6s. 8d. on the ville of Etburton.

Bishop Peche (1161-1182), in his Confirmation to the Monks of Shrewsbury, allows them the tithes of Adbrichtone as tithes of their own proper demesnes. [1] The grant was in conformity with an immemorial privilege of Shrewsbury Abbey, but nevertheless a diminution of the Revenues of St. Mary's, Shrewsbury, the Parish Church of Albrighton.

Between the years 1204 and 1214 "Stephen de Thorneham and Godelina, his wife, with the consent of their heirs, quitclaim to the Abbey one Roger de Edbricton, with all his suit. For this the monks paid 5 merks. Witness,- Thomas de Erdinton, then Sheriff". [2]

At the Assizes of 1221 Helias de Horton had a Grand Assize, whether he or Reginald fitz Robert had the better right to a half-virgate in Albricton. He paid one merk for license to compound the matter. In the Fine, which resulted, he further gives 40s. to Reiner fitz Robert (the tenant) for a surrender of the premises.

Between the years 1225 and 1235, H. (probably Henry), Abbot of Salop, enfeoffs John de Harlawscote in a virgate in Little Harlawscote, for 20s. paid down, and 5s. rent. Witnesses,- James fitz Martin, Provost; James, Chaplain of Edbricton, and Walter Hosay. [3]

In 1250 an arrentation of 1s. 4d. was set upon William Pese, of Albricton, for asserted forest-land.

[1] Harl. MS. 3868, fo. 8.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 33. Stephen de Turnham was Lord of Great Berwick, in right of Edelina, his wife. The Quit-claim was probably of some tenement, held in Villeinage, and which lay between Berwick and Albrighton.
[3] Salop Chartulary, No. 134. I suppose Little Harlescott was a member of Albrighton, not of Albright Hussey.


The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "the Abbot of Shrewsbury holds two hides in Adbrichton Monachorum, in capite of the King". His service and the warranty of certain franchises claimed by him were unknown to the Jurors. [1]

King Henry III.'s Charter of Free Warren, dated May 21, 1256, extends to the Abbot's demesnes at Edbryton.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1279 says, with more than usual inaccuracy, that "the Abbot of Salop holds Adbrighton of the King in capite, in pure and perpetual almoign, by feoffment of Earl Roger de Bedlem".

An Inquest, taken on December 19, 1296, before Roger le Strange, Justice of the Forests-citra-Trent, by Roger fitz John, Seneschal of the Shropshire Forests, and by other Knights, Verderers, Subforesters, and common Jurors, found that it would not be injurious to the King if he allowed the Abbot of Shrewsbury to assart, and to enclose with a low fence, 30 acres at Aston, in the Abbot's own bosc, and within the forest of the Wrekin,- 10 acres in Little Betton, within the forest of Lythwood, and a number of acres (uncertain how many) in Adbrighton and Shetereshawe, within the Forest of Hawemon. The localities in question were not much frequented by beasts of chace, said the Jurors. [2]

An Abbey Rent-Roll, drawn up about 1490, gives ten items of receipt from Abrynton, amounting to 8. 12s. Among them is one of 6s. 8d. arising from the Glebe. [3]

The Valor of 1534 gives 9. 13s. 8d. as the Abbot's temporal income from Adbrighton. Among the Spiritualities, a sum of 6s. 8d. from Adbrighton is also entered. John Poyner, the Abbot's Bailiff for Adbrighton, and Hernys (near Emstrey) had a salary of 1. 6s. 8d. [4]

The Ministers' Accounts (1541-2) give the late Abbey's receipts from Albrighton as 12. 15s. 4d., viz. Rents of Customary Tenants 1. 12s.,- of Tenants at Will 4. 6s. 10d., Divers fermes 6. 9s. 10d., Tithes 6s. 8d. [5]

ALBRIGHTON CHAPEL. The ancient existence of this Foundation is probable, but the evidence is not very distinct. There was or is a field called Churchfield in the Vill. We have also just now seen the Glebe of Albrighton alluded to; and we may presume that the

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.- The reduction of the Domesday estimate by one hide, I will endeavour to explain more fully under Leston.
[2] Inquis. 25 Edw. I., No. 99.
[3] Hist. Shrewsbury, II. 509.
[4] Valor Eccles. III. 189, 190.
[5] Monasticon, III. 528.


item was the appropriated Glebe of a disused Chapel. The Font, which is the only piece of Antiquity in the present Church, probably belonged to the former Chapel.


There is some doubt whether this vill was a member of Albrighton, but the balance of evidence favours such a supposition rather than any other. The Abbot of Shrewsbury indeed never appears seized in demesne of Wollascott; but some of the Abbot's feoffments were so very early and absolute that the Feoffees, when they at length appear, are found in all but complete independence.

I suppose that the family of Le Poer were originally the Abbot's tenants here, holding the estate by rent of 1s. and by suit at the Manor-Court of Albrighton.

ROGER PUHER we have seen attesting a Charter of the first William fitz Alan about 1155-8. [1]

ROBERT LE POER attests a Charter of Vivian de Rossall about 1190-5, [2] and about the same time is followed by Henry, his son, in the attestation of a Hadnall Deed.

ALAN LE POER occurs in 1235. On June 11 of that year, as "Alan le Poer of Wilauseot", he obtained the Abbot of Shrewsbury's permission to make a ditch, enclosing a parcel of meadow near his (Alan's) Mill. He also obtained a small piece of land called Parihulle-Grene, near the Abbot's arable land. "In return, Alan concedes to the Abbot 11 seilions of assarts, which the Abbot's men of Eadbrichton had then assarted. Witnesses,- Walter Husee, Wido de Hadenhale". [3]

Alan le Poer married Amicia, daughter of William le Strange, Dean of St. Mary's, Shrewsbury. As "Alan, Lord of Wollascote", and with consent of Amicia, his wife, he gave to his son John (a Clerk) a barn in Coleham (Shrewsbury), which Master William, Dean of St. Mary's, had given by Charter to his (Alan's) wife. A rent of 12d., payable at Michaelmas to Haghmon Abbey, was charged on the Grantee. The said Grantee, calling himself "John, son of Alan le Poer of Wylavescote", enfeoffed Godefrid, Vicar of St. Alkmunds, in the said barn, "which William Le Strange, father of John's mother, Amicia, gave in frank marriage with the said Amicia to Alan, John's father". Here a rent of 3s. is reserved to

[1] Supra, page 45.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 323.
[3] Salop Chartulary, No. 401.


the Feoffor and his heirs, and the Haghmon rent is also charged on the Feoffee. [1]

The eldest son and heir of Alan le Poer was called-

WILLIAM DE WOLLASCOTT. In 1259, William, son of Alan de Wollavescote, is entered on the Pipe-Roll as owing half a merk for a Writ of Pone. In 1262 as William de Wulascote he sat on a Leaton Inquest. He sat as a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1272, and the Inquest of 1274. At the said Assizes "William, son of Alan de Wolawescote", acknowledged that he had given his share of Shortwode to Sir Walter de Hopton. Futes (i.e. Fitz) and Jagedon are named as localities adjacent to Shortwood. Sir Walter de Hopton was one of the four Justices who presided at these Assizes, and was Lord of Fitz.

I suppose we may safely date as in 1272 a transaction, recorded in the Salop Chartulary, whereby William de Wollascott consented to receive Sir Vivian de Rosshall as Mesne-Lord between himself and the Abbey.- "William de Wilascot and the Abbot had had disputes about 12d. rent and suit of court at Adbricton. The Abbot now acquits William of the said dues, and will receive them in future by the hand of Sir Vivian de Roshale. Witnesses,- Sir Walter de Hopton, Justiciar of the Lord King, John de Lee, John Hese (Hussey), and Regner de Acton". [2]

In very remarkable concert with this arrangement, the Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says, that "William Willascote holds Willascote immediately of Thomas Rosshall (he was Vivian's heir) by service of 12d". William de Willascott was living in 1293, [3] but I suppose that-

ROGER DE WOLLASCOT, who attests a Hadnall Deed in 1320, [4] then represented this family.

Ruyton juxta Baschurch.

Twelve Manors have now been surveyed, which, at or before Domesday, constituted the Sheriff's portion of Baschurch Hundred.

[1] Haughmond Chart., Tit. Colnham.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 402.
[3] [4] Supra, pp. 83, 55.
[5] The names New Ruyton and Ryton-of-the-eleven-towns, have been successively applied to this place. The former is due to Edmund, Earl of Arundel, who in Edward II.'s time purchased and reconsolidated the Manor, with the design of founding a Borough here. As to the eleven towns, which may at some time be supposed to have constituted this Manor, we must presume that some of them are (like the Domesday Udeford) lost. The existing townships of Ruyton are Cotton, Eardeston, Shelvock, Shotatton, and Wykey; but it is not probable that more than two out of the five were members of the original Manor.


We shall see however that Fitz Alan's Barony in this quarter was increased by several Manors in which his Domesday predecessors had no interest.

Ruyton and Udeford (a place now lost) were held immediately under Earl Roger by one Odo, of whom we hear but once after the date of Domesday. His name will recur under Hordley.

"Isdem Odo tenet Udeford et Ruitone. Leuenot tenuit pro duobus Maneriis. Ibi I hida et dimidia, geldabiles. Terra est IIII carrucis. Ibi IIII Villani et II Bordarii habent II carrucas. In dominio est una carruca, et II Bovarii. Silva XL porcis incrassandis, et V piscariae [1] in censu Villanorum. T.R.E. (terra) wasta fuit, et post valuit Xiii solidos; modo XX solidos". [2]

Of the Saxon Leuenot I will merely observe that he had been also Lord of Petton, in this same hundred.

The early history of Ruyton is very anomalous. It is the only Manor of Baschurch Hundred (proper), which was detached from the later Hundred of Pimhill and annexed to Oswestry Hundred. Its situation on the Western bank of the Perry will not account for this, for that River was by no means adopted as the boundary between Oswestry and Pimhill Hundreds. Probably the influence of Fitz Alan, or his Ancestor, Alan fitz Flaald, was sufficient both to obtain the Manor, and to annex it to their own Hundred of Oswestry. Ecclesiastical boundaries were not so elastic; for, as we have seen, in the twelfth century, Ruyton was still a Chapelry in the Parish of Baschurch. [3]

Ruyton, thus appropriated to Fitz Alan's exclusive jurisdiction in the Marches, becomes almost lost to English Records. Feodaries, Tenure-Rolls, Sheriffs' Rolls, and Assize-Rolls are alike silent as to the affairs of a district, where even a King's Writ was inoperative, unless addressed to the local authority, and where the King's Officers might set neither hand nor foot in any matter of civil jurisdiction.

[1] The Piscariae were doubtless in the River Perry. If I understand the Record rightly, these Piscariae were not valued separately, because they were underlet to the Villeins of the Manor.
[2] Domesday, fo. 257, b, 2.
[3] Super pp. 69, 70.


It appears that Ruyton was part of the Fief held by the first John le Strange under the first William fitz Alan. Before the year 1172, as we learn from Pope Alexander's Bull, John le Strange had given the Mill of Ruyton to Haghmon Abbey.

A Charter of John le Strange (II) treats this gift as if he had originated it. This Charter passed between 1203 and 1210. The Clause which relates to Ruyton-Mill shows distinctly that the Grantor was Lord of the whole Manor.-

Johannes filius Johannis Extranei dedi, etc., in perpetuam elemosynam molendinum de Rutona cum molta et secta totius manerii mei de Rutona et cum libera licentia fodiendi turbas et terram ex omni parte dicti molendini, quoties necesse fuerit, ad ipsum molendinum vel ad stagnum ejusdem, una cum meremio habendo in boscis meis per visum forestariorum meorum ad ipsum molendinum reedifacandum et emendandum semper quocienscunque necesse fuerit. Et concedo quod nunquam levabitur aliquod molendinum infra dictum Manerium de Ruton nisi ad opus dictorum Canonicorum, ita quod ipsorum proprietas sit illius. Hiis testibus, Willielmo filio Alani, Radulfo Abbate de Lilleshull, Hugone Extraneo, Rogero Sprenghose, Helya de Cotes et aliis.

John le Strange (II) seems to have made a Park at Ruyton. About the year 1195 he came to the following agreement with Hugh, Abbot of Shrewsbury. The Abbot conceded to Le Strange a corner of his wood of Birch, [1] extending from the place where Le Strange's Park-fence came down to the water of Peveree (Perry), to the end of Le Strange's meadow on the side of Plettebrug Mill. [2] This was to enlarge Le Strange's Park, and he was to pay a rent of one doe yearly in acknowledgment. He also gave the Abbot 5 solidates of land in the vill of Neutone, [3] which was an appurtenance of his Manor of Middle. Witnesses,- William fitz Alan, Master Robert of Salop, Ralph le Strange, William de Hedley, Helias de Sai, Richard Corebett, Philip fitz William, Hamo fitz Marescot, Vivian de Rosall, Roger de Begeshore, Roger Corbeth, Reiner de Lee, Richard fitz Siward, and William de Verdon. [4]

The following Deed I take to be that of John le Strange (IV), and to have passed about 1269, when he had livery of his inheritances. It is in remarkable antagonism to his Grandfather's gift to Haughmond. As "John Extraneus, 1ord of Knokin", he gives to

[1] Birch in Baschuroh Manor.
[2] Still retains its name as as "The Plat Mill".
[3] Newton-on-the-Hill, a township of Middle.
[4] Salop Chartulary, No. 16.


Shrewsbury Abbey his Mill of Platte, situated against his land of Reutun, and all suit of his men thereto, as far as he had or could have the suit of his men in his Manors of Ruton, Midle, Nesse, Hopton, and Kynton. Nor would he offer, or permit any one else to offer, any obstacle to the Monks, in respect of the Abbot of Haghmon's Mill which was situated in his Park of Ruton. This offering was that the Monks of Shrewsbury might celebrate daily mass, for the souls of himself, his heirs, his ancestors, and successors. Witnesses,- Robert Corbeth, John de Lee, Robert de Stoke, John de Prestecote, and Ralph Heit'. [1]

It will also have been John le Strange (IV) who in the year 1272, styling himself "John, son of John le Strange", gave to Haghmon Abbey one acre of his own demesne in Ruiton (viz. that which lay nearest to the King's road towards Oswestry) and the Advowson of the Church of Ruiton, with its appurtenances. Witnesses,- Sir Odo de Hodenet, John fitz Hugh, John de Ercalue, knights; Richard de Draiton, and Hamo le Botiler.

On April 18, 1272, the same John, as "John le Strange, Lord of Knokin", expedited a letter from Haghmon appointing his beloved Roger de Eyton to put the Abbot in possession of the above grants. An Inquest, taken about March 1276, expressly includes the Manor of Ruton in the Fief which John le Strange (IV), deceased, had held by Service of 2 knights'-fees under the heirs of John fitz Alan (III). [4]

Between the years 1276 and 1284 John le Strange (V), styling himself "John, son of John le Strange, and Lord of Knokin", quitclaimed and confirmed the grants of his Father. Witnesses,- Sir Robert Corbet, John fitz Hugh, John de Ercalue, John de Lee, knights; Hamo le Botiler, William Banastre, and Thomas Dod of Hadenhale.

I have set forth, under Middle, the Fine whereby in 1299 John le Strange (V) conveyed the Manors of Middle and Ritton to a Trustee. The Counter-Fine, which shows the object in view, as regards Middle, is wanting in the case of Ruyton. However, it must have been within the next ten years that John le Strange (V) sold Ruyton, with all its homages and fees, to his Suzerain, Edmund, Earl of Arundel. It is curious that Le Strange's Seigneury over the distant Manor of Glazeley should have passed by this sale to the Earl; but so it did pass, for Glazeley was held to be an appurtenance of Ruyton.

[1] Salop Chartulary, No. 18.
[2] Inquis. 4 Edw. I., No. 38.


We have seen that Edmund, Earl of Arundel, about 1301-1310, obtained seven burgages in Ruyton from the Canons of Haughmond. [1] The Deed of exchange states the said Burgages to be in the "New Vill of Rutone", and built on the "Fee (fundo) of the Canons' Church of Rutone". The Canons had probably built largely on their Glebe, but how they had any right to alienate it at this period I cannot say. They had not as yet obtained an Appropriation of the Church.

On August 25, 1311, King Edward II. allowed by Charter that Edmund, Earl of Arundel, might hold a weekly Market on Wednesday, at Ruyton, in the Marches of Wales, and also an annual Fair of five days' duration, viz. on the vigil, the day of, and the three days after, the Nativity of John the Baptist (June 23-27). [2]

On January 8, 1318, an Inquest was ordered on the death of Guy de Glazeley, supposing that he had held Glazeley under the heir of John le Strange (VI), which heir was in ward to the Crown. The Jurors, however, responded that Guy de Glazeley had held Glazeley of the Manor of Ruytone, which Manor Edmund, Earl of Arundel, had purchased, with all its homages, fees, etc., of Sir John le Strange of Knokyn; and so that Guy had held Glazeley under the said Earl Edmund.

Leaving Ruyton in the demesne of the Earls of Arundel, I have to say a few more words as to the-

HAUGHMOND ABBEY FEE. We have heard of two Mills in Ruyton Manor, the Platt Mill (given to Shrewsbury Abbey) and Ruyton Mill (given to Haughmond). A third Mill, called the Heath Mill, was also given to Haughmond by John le Strange (IV), and so between the years 1269 and 1276. As Johannes extraneus quartus, he gives and confirms, for the souls of himself and his wife Johanna, his Mill of Heath (molendinum de Bruerio) with its fishery and appurtenances, and with timber to repair the same out of his wood of Radenhall (Rednall), and with a place near the Mill, convenient for winnowing. One moiety of the profits of this Mill was to go to the Canons themselves; with the other moiety they were to provide two candles, to burn at the head and foot of the tomb of the aforesaid Johanna, the Grantor's wife. The Grantor further concedes to the Canons the stank of the higher vivary, to be raised and repaired for their use and advantage, with earth taken on either side thereof. Lastly, he undertakes that neither he nor his heirs shall raise the stank of the Vivary near the king's high-road towards Oswestry,

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. P. 281.
[2] Rot. Chart. 5 Edw. II., No. 42.


nor shall construct any other Mill there, so as to injure the Heath Mill. Witnesses,- Sir John de la Lee, Sir Thomas Boterell, Richard de Dreyton, Hugh fitz Philip, Philip de Schelfac, and many others. [1]

By Deed, dated at London on Sunday, June 30, 1325, Edmund Earl of Arundel gave to the same Abbey a Fishery, near his Manor of Ruitone, formerly held by the Rector of Ruitone. [1]

In the next year, Edmund Earl of Arundel perished on the scaffold; and Roger Mortimer, the contriver of his ruin, obtained a grant of his forfeited estates. On Dec. 8, 1329, Mortimer, now Earl of March, being at Clun, ordered William de la Hulle, his Seneschal, to inquire concerning the Abbot of Haghmon's alleged right to the Vivary, called Hethpol, in the Manor of Ruton juxta Aston. In pursuance of this order, William de la Hull held an Inquest in the Manorial Court of Ruton on January 30, 1329 (it should be January 29, 1330). The Jury found that the said Vivary belonged to the Abbot; that Earl Edmund had sometime, by his own will, taken it into his own hand and set it to farm to John, Rector of Ruyton, for life; that afterwards the Lessee, perceiving the injustice of this, surrendered the Vivary to the Earl, and the Earl, about two years (per duos annos) before his death, restored it to the Abbot. On this verdict being given, the Seneschal, on behalf of the Earl of March, surrendered the Vivary to the Abbey. [2]

On May 7, 1335, Roger Boghan of Ruyton gave to the Abbey a meadow in Ruyton, between the River of Peverey and Allendeswode.

On July 3, 1335, the Abbot demised the lower fishery of Hethmulle, to Thomas de Cheyne, Rector of Felton, for life, at a rent of 5s. [2]

In 12 Edward III. (1338-9), John de Borton, Seneschal of Ruyton, issues a Writ relative to trespasses at Overheth-mille-pole. [2]

In 1380-1, the Abbot of Haghmon demised Ruyton Mill to John Ythell and Roger his son.- Rent, 18 quarters of hard corn.

On March 20, 1461, the Abbot demised the said Mill to John Muridon, Margaret his wife, and John his son, for their lives.- Rent 40s.

On August 1, 1468, John, Abbot of Haghmon, demises Hethemill for 61 years to Richard Irlonde of Oswestry, Gentleman, at a rent of 10s. for 41 years, and of 13s. for 20 years.

The Valor of 1535 probably classes the Abbot's receipts from

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 106.
[2] Inquis. Edw. II., No. 47.


Ruyton under Murydon. The Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2 give these, more specific, assets of the late Abbey.-

Riton. Ferm of one messuage: 0 8 0
Ryton. Ferm of a mill: 2 0 0
Ryton. Ferm of the Rectory: 9 0 0 [1]


We have already seen that, in Bishop Durdent's time, Ruyton was a Chapelry, and as a mere affiliation of Baschurch, was of the Advowson of the Abbot of Shrewsbury. [2] However the time was yet to come when a Cure of Souls in the Marches was lucrative enough for Monks to be jealous about it. So Ruyton Chapel grew into an independent Rectory under the fostering care of the Lords of the Fee. Again, in 1272, the fourth John le Strange consigned the Church to Monastic Patronage, and the result was, as usual, appropriation. The Taxation of 1291 values the Church of Ruyton (in the Archdeaconry and Deanery of Salop) at 8 per annum. [3] Forty years later, and we find the Abbot of Haughmond moving on the spoil.-

On June 30, 1330, Pope John XXII., being at Avignon, had received a petition from the said Abbot, stating the value of this Rectory to be no more than 12 merks (8), and asking for leave to appropriate it. The Pope consents, gives the Abbot corporal possession as soon as the existing Rector should depart, sets any assent or license of the Bishop of Lichfield at nought, as altogether unnecessary, but desires that the future Vicar may have a congruous portion, so as to enable him to sustain Episcopal charges, etc.

Roger Northburgh, then Bishop of Lichfield, had been so appointed by Pope John himself. On February 27, 1331, we find him reciting his Patron's Bull, including that clause in it which expressed his own nonentity; but, confirming it, and only reserving to himself a right of ordaining the future Vicarage.

On January 4, 1332, the same Bishop admitted the first Vicar of Ruyton at the presentation of Haughmond Abbey. On April 16, 1332, Richard, Earl of Arundel, being at Oswestry Castle (a notre Chastel de Blankemoster), and no doubt deploring the destitute state of the said Vicar, began to endow the Vicarage anew. He gave to the Vicar, William, and his successors, a messuage and curtilage in the vill of Ruytone, to pray for the souls of the Earl and

[1] Monasticon, VI. p. 114.
[2] Supra, page 70.
[3] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247.


his Ancestors, and in honour of St. John the Baptist of Ruytone. Witnesses,- Alexander de Shavynton, the Earl's Seneschal; Stephen de Felton, and John fitz Philip.

On January 5, 1333, as we have already seen, Nicholas, Abbot of Haghmon, appropriated the spoils of the Rectory of Ruyton to the improvement of the Kitchen of his Convent. [1]

On March 2, 1334, at Shrewsbury, Nicholas, Abbot of Haghmon, settled a dispute with Master Richard Longnorle, Rector of Straunge-Nesse, as to a third part of the tithes and oblations, of all sorts, arising from the new vill of Acton, near Ruyton. [2] It was agreed that, whereas the Church of Ruyton had been used to receive a moiety of such dues, the Abbot, as Impropriator, should now receive the third which he sought, under a penalty of 40s. on the Rector of Ness. On April 1, 1334, Bishop Northburgh sanctions this agreement.

On January 29, 1386, the Ordination of Ruyton Vicarage, as it was called, issued from the Chapter-House of Haghmon, authenticated only by the fiat of the Abbot and Convent.

In 1341 Ruyton was not assessed as a distinct Parish to the current tax of the Ninth. This was doubtless because it was in Oswestry Hundred.

On October 21, 1462, a dispute between Sir John Gredington, late Vicar of Ruyton, and Abbot Richard of Haghmon (of the one part), and William Bickley, Perpetual Vicar of Straunge Nesse (of the other part), about a third of the tithes and oblations of the new vill of Atton-prope-Ruyton, was settled as before, except that the Vicar of Ness was to have the whole oblations of the men and women of Atton, offering on three solemn and accustomed days in the Church of Nesse. This was decided by the Commissory of John (Hales) Bishop of Lichfield, sitting in the Church of Wem.

The Valor of 1535 gives the income of Richard Gyttenceus, Vicar of Ryton, as 6 per annum, less 2s. for synodals. [3]

The Abbot of Haughmond's Rectory was at the same time valued at 7. 2s. [4] What he paid to the Bishop, and to the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, out of this income, and why it was paid, has already been stated under Stanton Hyneheath. [5]

[1] Supra, Vol VII. pp. 301, 302.
[2] I suppose there was some doubt as to the Parish to which Acton or Atton, or some part thereof belonged. The place I take to be now represented by Shotatton, which is wholly in Ruyton Parish.
[3] [4] Valor Eccles. III. pp. 184, 192.
[5] Supra, Vol II. p. 307.


[For engraving, see pdf.]



WALTER, Parson of Ruton, attests an Edgbold Deed about 1230-1240. [1]

JOHN FITZ JOHN, Rector, died April 3, 1325.

JOHN DE COVENTRY, admitted as Rector May 15, 1325. Patrons, the Abbot and Convent of Haghmon.

WILLIAM DE TYKELWARDYN, Chaplain, instituted as first Vicar January 4, 1332. Same Patrons.

ROBERT DE HASTON, Priest, appointed Aug. 18, 1358. Same Patrons.

RICHARD DE RADENALE, Priest, admitted Oct. 16, 1367. Same Patrons. He resigned in 1385.

JOHN WYGYNTON, Chaplain, admitted June 13, 1385. Same Patrons. He died in 1387.

RICHARD RADENALE, again Vicar, died in 1395.

JOHN GAMULL, alias RUSSELL, Priest, admitted May 31, 1395. Same Patrons. He died in 1407.


I have no alternative but to treat this Manor as originally an outlying member of Ruyton. My reasons for doing so, hardly sufficient in themselves, are fortified by the difficulty of assigning any other origin for the Manor of Stanwardine.

We have seen that the Udeford of Domesday was coupled by tenure with Ruyton, though in Saxon times the Manors had been distinct. However, Leuenot, the Saxon Lord of Udeford and Ruyton, had also been Lord of Petton. Now Petton and Stanwardine-in-the-Wood were contiguous. Again there is an analogy between the names Udeford (i.e. Woodford) and Stanwardine-in-the-Wood. After Domesday, Stanwardine-in-the-Wood and Ruyton had nothing to connect them, except that both were of the Seigneury of Fitz Alan. Fitz Alan gave Ruyton to Le Strange, and it was annexed to Oswestry Hundred. Fitz Alan's contemporary Feoffee at Stanwardine was Richard de Stanwardine, and Stanwardine remained in Pimhill Hundred, which would correspond with its Domesday status, if it was identical with Udeford. However the later Lords of Stanwardine (about 1230) withdrew its suit from the County of Salop and Hundred of Pimhill. Was not this in consequence of some traditional idea that, having been once a member of Ruyton, it ought to follow Ruyton into Walcheria?

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 324.


RICHARD DE STANWARDINE attests, about 1175, two Charters of the second William fitz Alan to Buildwas Abbey. This Richard was a wealthy man; for the Fine of 60 merks and two destriers, set upon him for Forest-trespass in 1177, indicates a liability higher than that of many contemporary Barons. What is more, the whole of the enormous penalty was paid in two years.

Between the years 1189 and 1193 Richard de Stanewrd' being impleaded in the Curia Comitatus, under a Writ of right, for one virgate in Stanewrd, put himself on trial by Grand Assize, viz. "whether he or the Plaintiffs (Matilda de Cote and her son Robert) had the better right"?

WILLIAM DE STANWARDINE, son and heir, I think, of Richard, occurs in the year 1193, when he was security in the sum of 6s. 8d. for the replevin of Engelard Bozard. [1]

WILLIAM DE STANWARDINE (II), son of the above William, married Emma, daughter of Eynon de Hordley, and occurs in 1221 and 1225. He was deceased in June 1231, leaving his wife Emma surviving. Of him and her I shall have more to say under Hordley and under Bagley. It was this William, apparently, who withdrew Stanwardine from the suit of Pimhill Hundred.

HUGH DE STANWARDINE, son and heir of William, son of William, occurs in 1236 and about 1240, as we shall see under Bagley. It is further related of him that he conceded half the Mill of Wycheele (Wycherley) to William de Stanwardine, that is, I conceive, to his younger brother and eventual heir. Hugh was deceased without issue before July 1241, when the following Fine shows his brother-

WILLIAM DE STANWARDINE (III) to be Lord of Stanwardine. On July 15, 1241, a Fine was levied at Gloucester, whereby William fitz William conceded to Agnes, widow of William fitz Ralph, 4s. annual rent in Stanewrdin, arising from a tenement held by Maddoks and Richard Mercator. This was in lieu of dowry claimed by the Lady, viz. a third of 2 virgates of land and 11s. rent in Stanwrthin. In 1243 William, son of William de Stanworth, fines half a merk for some Inquest to be had. In 1255 the Jurors of Pimhill Hundred said that William, Lord of Stanwardyne-in-bosco, had withdrawn suit from County and Hundred for 24 years, whereby the King had damage of 48s., or at the rate of 2s. per annum. [2] The Jurors of 1274 alleged this withdrawal against William de Stanwardine (III), dating it, as they did, from about 1254.

William de Stanwardine (III) was deceased before 1256. In March 1259, his widow, Alina, demised certain land in Eyton to

[1] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 180.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 76, 105.


Sir William de Leighton. The said Alina was living in 1272, as we shall see under Eyton.

ROGER DE STANWARDINE, son and heir of the last William, was apparently of age in January 1256, for he was then amerced for non-attendance at an Inquest. On April 20, 1263, he was sued by Richard de Petton for disseizing the said Richard of a tenement in Staneworthin. Again in 1266 and 1267 we have this suit, concerning a messuage and 2 virgates in Petton, renewed by Peter, as son and heir of Richard de Petton. In 1272 it came on for trial at the Assizes, Peter de Petton alleging the disseizin, as practised on Richard his Father. A Fine was the result. Thereby Peter renounced his claim to a messuage and 2 virgates in Stanworthyn. Roger, in return, conceded to Peter that moiety of the Mill of Wycheele which William, his (Roger's) father, had by concession of Hugh de Stanworthyn, also the Vivary thereof, and a right of common in his (Roger's) woods. Peter again conceded to Roger a right of common in those boscs at Petton which were called Roswode and Heyshete;- both parties reserving a right to make assart of their respective woods. At the Inquests of November 1274, the Pimhill Jurors spoke of Roger de Stanwardin as having been recently in office as Constable of Shrewsbury Castle. They alleged an act of corruption against his Deputy, Reyner le Mons, who had released a prisoner for a bribe.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 has the following extraordinary entry.-

"Stanwardyne tenetur de Johanne filio Alani per servicium, in bosco";- where it is evident that the two parts of the name are separated by the rest of the sentence, and that the sentence is still incomplete, as well as inaccurate, for John fitz Alan had been dead some years.

A somewhat later Feodary gives Stanewardyn-in-bosco, with Montford, Hedenesdon (Ensdon), Forton, Ness (Little Ness), Little Milford, and Shrawardine as held by Isabel de Mortimer. This means that Isabel, widow of John fitz Alan, had the Seigneury of all these estates in dower. By a Fine levied on July 1, 1307,-

PHILIP DE STANWARTHYN sold to Richard Hord and his wife, Eva, one measure, two carucates of land, and 18s. rent, in Stanwarthyn and Wycherlegh;- to hold to them, and the heirs of Richard, under the Lords of the Fee. 100 was the price which tempted this last of the Stanwardines to alienate an estate which we have traced in his family for more than a century.


On the death of Richard Hord of Walford, in January 1326, the deceased was found by Inquest to have held the hamlet of Stanworthyn-in-the-Wode under Richard, Earl of Arundel, by a rent of 8s., and by two appearances yearly at the Earl's Court of Montford. A windmill was among the adjuncts of the estate. The deceased had had his own manorial Court there, though its profits were only 1s. per annum. [1]

Of Richard Hord's descendants I shall have more to say under Walford.

In Richard II.'s time, Stanwardyn, as held by John Hord under the Earl of Arundel, was accounted to be a whole knight's-fee. [2]


ODO, the Domesday Lord of Ruyton, was also the Lord of Hordeley. Odo tenet de Rogerio Comite Hordelei. Algar et Dunniht tenuerunt pro duobus Maneriis, et liberi fuerunt. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Terra est IIII carrucis. Ibi V Villani et V Bordarii, cum II carrucis. Silva LX porcis incrassandis. T.R.E. (terra) wasta fuit. Modo reddit XV solidos. [3] Within eight years after Domesday this Manor passed by Odo's gift to the Monks of Shrewsbury. Earl Roger's Confirmation to the Abbey says,- Odo miles dedit eis Hordelegam. [4] King William II.'s Confirmation says,- Odo miles (dedit) Horleiam;- and so also the Charters of Henry I., Stephen, Henry II., and Henry III.

The Abbot of Shrewsbury's Feoffee in this Manor was one Einion de Hordeley. He occurs as a witness of local Deeds in and before the year 1204. He was deceased before the year 1214, leaving his second wife, Wenthlian, a widow. He had two daughters, Agnes and Emma, by a former wife; by Wenthlian he had a son, Kenwric, all which children survived him. On a cause tried at the Assizes of 1221 the following facts, showing something of the state of the Borders at a very dark period, transpired.-

After Einion de Hordley's death his three children remained for

[1] Inquis. 19 Edw. II., No. 73.
[2] Calend. Inquis. Vol. III. p. 228.
[3] Domesday, fo. 257, b, 2.
[4] Salop Chartulary, No. 2.


a time in joint possession of Hordeley. Agnes became the wife of Reyner de Frankton, and Emma, of William de Stanwardine. Whilst John Mareschall was Custos of Fitz Alan's lands, "and of this province" (i.e. between June 1213 and July 1214), he ejected Agnes and Emma from Hordeley, but suffered Kenwric to remain.-

After John Mareschall's trust had expired, Reyner de Frankton and his wife Agnes returned to Hordeley: but "when Lewellyn marched upon Shrewsbury" (i.e. in the Autumn of 1215), they left the place, but Kenwric still remained. At the Assizes in question, Agnes and Emma, with their two husbands, brought an action for disseizin against Wenthlian, the mother of Kenwric, but the Defendant got a verdict on the ground that there had been no disseizin; for, while her son had always remained at Hordeley, the Plaintiffs had gone and come of their own accord. [1]

In Michaelmas Term 1233, the Abbot of Shrewsbury and Kenewric de Hordelegh had a suit of dernier presentment at Westminster about the Church of Hordelegh. By Fine levied at Salop on Nov. 16, 1236, Kenwric de Hordelegh (Deforciant) quitclaims the said Advowson to Henry, Abbot of Shrewsbury, for 2 merks.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "Thomas de Hordileg holds two non-geldable hides in Hordileg, of the Fee of the Abbot of Salop. He did suit thrice yearly to the Abbot's Court of Baschurch. Hordileg was in the Abbot's Liberty, the Jurors knew not by what warranty". [2]

At the Assizes of 1256 Richard de Geannok and twelve others were found not to have disseized Thomas de Hordelegh of common pasture in Hordelegh.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 notes Thomas de Hordeley as holding Hordeley, in socage, of the Abbot of Shrewsbury. The same Thomas sat as a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1292.

In the Valuations of Henry VIII.'s time, Hordeley is not mentioned as yielding anything to Shrewsbury Abbey. Probably not even a quit-rent had ever been payable by the Tenants thereof.


This was, I suppose, from the first a Dependency of Baschurch though, as we have seen, the Lord of Hordeley made a vain attempt in 1232 to secure its independence. The Taxation of 1291 values

[1] Assizes, 6 Hen. III., m. 1 dorso. Wenthlian's other name is written as filia El;- perhaps fitz Elyas.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.


the Church of Ordeleye (Salop Deanery and Archdeaconry) at 2. 13s. 4d.; besides a pension of 2s., payable therefrom to Shrewsbury Abbey. [1]

The Assessors of the Ninth, in 1341, treat Hordel' as a Chapelry. They rate the Parish at 20s. only, because the Church-Taxation was made up in part of Glebe, oblations, and small-tithes; and because there were no sheep in the Parish. [2]

The Valor of 1535 improperly places Hordeley in the Deanery of Newport. The annual Income of William Powys, Rector thereof, was 4. 2s.; less 2s. for procurations, and 11d. for Synodals. [3] The. Abbot of Shrewsbury's pension seems to have become obsolete.


The following were presented by the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury, except in one instance

RICHARD DE DERYNOTON, Rector of Hordyleg Chapel, has a licentia studendi on Jan. 6, 1310.

ROBERT DE MARCHUMLEE, Acolyte, presented Aug. 2, 1313; but the Bishop only admits him as Custos thereof, during sequestration.

JOHN DE LONDON, admitted May 17, 1318. Resigned Oct. 25, 1322.

WILLIAM DE GRESELEYE, Priest, admitted Nov. 7, 1322. On April 7, 1336, he exchanges with-

MASTER JOHN DE SUTTON, late Rector of Mungewell (Linc. Dioc.).

SIR JOHN PALKELEYE resigned this Chapel in 1362.

SIR JOHN LE METE, Priest, was instituted Nov. 20, 1362, on presentation of the Black Prince. [4]

EDWARD HOPTON resigned this Rectory in 1426.

WILLIAM HALGHTON, instituted April 8, 1426, resigned in 1439.


THE early history of this Manor is partly conjectural, but altogether curious. Domesday winds up the series of Roger fitz Corbet's

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, pp. 244, 245.
[2] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 192.
[3] Valor Eccles. III. 188.
[4] Illustrissimi Principis filii Regis Angliae; but why he presented does not appear. The Abbey was not vacant.


Manors with the three Manors of Maneford, Prestone, and Cerlitone, but with a singular departure from its general usage. Instead of beginning each of the three clauses with the words Isdem Rogerius tenet, it begins with the words Rogerius tenet de Comite. It is evident that the Compiler of the Record was not quite sure whether the Roger, who held Maneford, etc., was Roger fitz Corbet or not: and his doubt must remain ours, for beyond the fact that the Corbets retained nothing in either of the three Manors in question, we have little to guide us. That little however is that, from the subsequent history of Montford, we should rather infer Roger de Lacy to have been its Domesday possessor. The Record suggests still further topics of remark, and runs as follows.-

"Rogerius tenet de Comite Maneford. Elmer tenuit. Ibi III hidae. In dominio est una carruca et dimidia, et XIII Villani cum VI carrucis; et adhuc III carrucae et dimidia possunt esse. Ibi dimidia Piscaria et Silva XXIIII porcis incrassandis. T. R. E valebat IIII libros; et post XX solidos: modo IIII libros et X solidos. Hoc Manerium calumniator Episcopus R". [1]

The Bishop who thus laid claim to Montford was undoubtedly Robert Losing, Bishop of Hereford, rather than Robert de Limesi, Bishop of Chester, for Robert de Limesi will hardly have been consecrated to Chester so long before Domesday as to allow of his thus appearing as a Litigant in that Record.

As to the half-fishery which Domesday allots to Montford it will have been part of a Weir in the Severn; no doubt the same Weir as that, of which the other half belonged to the opposite Manor of Ford. [2]

The event of the suit between the Bishop of Hereford and Roger, Domesday Lord of Montford, can only be surmised. Within six years after Domesday, Roger de Lacy was Lord of Montford, or assumed himself so to be. And here we are left in a dilemma, for we cannot tell whether the Bishop had recovered Montford from the Domesday Roger, and had enfeoffed Roger de Lacy (who was his tenant elsewhere in Shropshire) therein; or whether Roger de Lacy was the Domesday Roger himself, and had held continuous possession of Montford.

Be this as it may, Roger de Lacy gave Manaford to Shrewsbury Abbey, and the grant must have been before 1091, for in that year Roger de Lacy suffered absolute and utter forfeiture.

It is next to be noted that, though the Confirmations of Earl

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, b, 2.
[2] Vide supra, Vol. VII. p. 180.


Roger and William II. are silent about this gift of Roger de Lacy to Shrewsbury Abbey, yet the Confirmation of Henry I. records it;- records it too as a grant which Earl Roger had confirmed. But again, the Confirmations of Stephen, Henry II., and Henry III. are silent on the grant, and it is certain that it took no ultimate effect. On the restoration of the House of Lacy, in the reign of King Henry II., Montford was again attached to their Fief; and it was one of the estates which Hugh de Lacy gave in frank-marriage with his daughter to the second William fitz Alan.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 puts Moneford down as a Manor of 1 hides (half its Domesday contents). John fitz Alan held it in frank-marriage. It was not geldable. It was of the fee of Matildis de Lacy (eldest daughter and coheir of Walter, last Baron Lacy). Fitz Alan did suit to the County, both for this land and for his other lands in Shropshire, and had a Franchise and Warren. [1]

The Inquest, taken in 1272 on the death of the third John fitz Alan, included his estates at Nesse (Little Ness), Maneford, and Forton. Montford was annexed to the dower of his widow. Hence the Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "Isabella de Mortimer holds Montforde, and it is of the fee of John fitz Alan, and she owes suit to County and Hundred for that estate".

Mountford-Bridge (famous for many a parley between the Ambassadors of England and North Wales) was reported to be broken down, at the Assizes of 1292. All men, said the Pimhill Jurors, used to cross it with horses and carriages. John de Hegerwas, now deceased, had received the tolls (passagium) on condition of keeping it in repair and by a Royal grant. He had caused to be carried to his own house dressed stone and timber, which had been purchased for the repair of the bridge. The Judges ordered his Executors to be summoned, and commissioned the Abbot of Haghmon and Roger Sprenghose to audit their accounts. It proved that the receipts from tolls had been only 19. 8s. 1d.; while the expenditure had been 36. 1s. 2d. The Auditors reported therefore that "the expenses exceeded the receipts by 15. 13s.";- a calculation which does not prove much for their qualifications as Auditors.

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316, the Earl of Arundel stands as Lord of Munford. Several other particulars of the Manor have transpired under Upton Magna and Shrawardine. [2]

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 253; Vol. X. p. 102.



In whatever Saxon Parish Montford lay, at and before Domesday, it had an independent Church in the 13th century, and the Advowson thereof had passed to the White Nuns of Brewood, but whether by grant of a Lacy or a Fitz Alan I cannot learn.

The Taxation of 1291, placing Moneford in the Deanery and Archdeaconry of Salop, values the Church at 5. 6s. 8d. per annum. [1] Whether now, or within the next 40 years, the Brewood Nuns had an appropriation of the Rectory.

In 1341, the Assessors of the Ninth, quoting the Church-Taxation of 8 merks, rated the Parish of Moneford at 4. The reasons for the diminution were because 6 carucates of land within the Parish lay waste, both in the Earl of Arundel's part and elsewhere; [2] because there had been murrain among the sheep, and a Severn flood had destroyed most of the growing corn. Moreover the Church-Taxation included Glebe-land and Altarages, things which were irrelevant in calculating a Ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb. [3]

The Valor of 1535 gives the income of John Browne, Vicar of Monsforde, as 5. 6s. 8d., less 6s. 8d. for procuration and 1s. 6d. for synodals. [4] The Rectory of Montford (printed Nantford) was at the same time productive of an annual Ferm of 8 to the White Nuns of Brewood; but we now first hear of a pension of 10s., which the Nuns paid out of the said Rectory to the Prior of St. Guthlac at Hereford. [5] The inference is, that whenever the Nuns first acquired this Advowson, they found it charged by a Lacy with this pension. So far Montford Church was on a footing with other Churches of Lacy's Shropshire Fief; but it is further probable that the Churches thus charged were very ancient Foundations;- nearly as old as Domesday. [6]


The Priory and Convent of the White Nuns of Brewood presented each of the following Vicars.-

SIR RICHARD DE AULA, died Sept. 20, 1331.

WILLIAM DE REDENHAL or BEDENHALL, Chaplain, instituted Oct. 2, 1331; died May 1, 1342.

RICHARD MORYS, admitted May 21, 1842; died July 5, 1349 (probably of the pestilence).

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 246, 247.
[2] That is, in the part not held by the Earl in demesne, but let out to tenants.
[3] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 183.
[4] [5] Valor Eccles. III. 184, 194.
[6] Vide supra, Vol. II. pp. 147, 148.


ROBERT DE WYTHINTON, Chaplain, admitted July 18, 1349.

SIR JOHN DE BREHULL, resigned 1373.

THOMAS DE PLEIDEWYK, Priest, admitted Sept. 26, 1373; exchanged preferments Aug. 18, 1376, with-

ADAM CAY, late Vicar of Lilleshull. [1] On Cay's death, and on Oct. 12, 1380,-

ADAM OSBORNE, Priest, was admitted. On August 24, 1388, he exchanges with-

THOMAS NOWERE or NELDARE, late Rector of Chatynton (Heref. Dioc.). He died 1392.

WILLIAM ST. GEORGE, Priest, admitted Sept. 12, 1392; exchanged on May 9, 1394, with-

SIR ADAM DE TRESELL, late Rector of North Clebury (Heref. Dioc.). He resigned in 1395.

RICHARD HASTON, late Vicar of Cardyngton, [2] admitted July 8, 1395; resigned 1396-7.

SIR RICHARD HAMON, admitted March 14, 1397; resigned 1418.

Preston, now Preston Montford.

NEXT to the Domesday notice of Montford we have the following.- Rogerius tenet de Comite Preston. Godric tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi una virgata terrae. In dominio est dimidia carruca. Valuit et valet III solidos. Silva X porcis incrassandis. [3]

There can be little doubt that Roger, the Domesday Lord of this section of Preston (whether identical with Roger fitz Corbet or Roger de Lacy) was identical with Roger, the Domesday Lord of Montford. From this association of the smaller part of Preston with Montford, the whole of Preston got the name of Preston Montford. The connection between Preston and Montford lasts no later than Domesday, except in name. The smaller part of Preston, that which was in Bascherch Hundred, became involved with the larger part, in Ford Hundred:- going with it to Lilleshall Abbey, and into the Liberties of Shrewsbury. We have perhaps had an analogous case in Charlton, near Shawbury; which, being

[1] [2] Supra, Vol. VIII. pp. 228-9; Vol. V. p. 128.
[3] Domesday, fo. 255, b, 2.


divided at Domesday between Rogerius and St. Alkmunds, afterwards seems to have gone wholly to Lilleshall. [1]

The history of the collective Manor of Preston Montford, as held by Lilleshall Abbey, has already been given. [2]


HERE we have a Manor in the very Parish of Montford and afterwards a mere member of Montford, and which was confessedly held at Domesday by Roger de Lacy under the Norman Earl.-

Isdem Rogerius (de Laci) tenet Fordune, et Osbernus de eo. Edmer tenuit. Ibi III hidae. In dominio est una carruca et II Bovarii et I Villanus et XIII Bordarii cum II carrucis et dimidia; et aliae II (carrucae) possent ibi esse. Ibi silva C porcis incrassandis. T.R.E. valebat XX solidos, et post tantundem. Modo (valet) XXV solidos. [3]

I have nothing further to state about Forton, except that it passed from De Lacy to Fitz Alan in the same way as Montford. In one instance (in 1240) we have had mention of Forton as an independent estate; [4] but it was ever afterwards accounted, manorially a member of Montford or of Shrawardine, and parochially a member of Montford. In one or other of those positions Forton has been twice mentioned in former pages. [5]


SOMEWHAT more than a mile to the North-East of Baschurch stands The Berth, one of the most remarkable Fortresses, of a British aera, to be found in Shropshire or any other County. [6] The existence of such a work has served to make Baschurch and its vicinage the supposed theatre of a tragical story, the merest outline of which contains an element of some suspicion.-

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 253.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 194-196.
[3] Domesday, fo. 256, b, 1.
[4] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 252.
[5] Supra, pp. 98, 126.
[6] See Hist. Shrewsbury, Vol. I. p. 8.


We are invited to believe that Cynddylan, Prince of Powis, retiring in the sixth century before the superior power of the Saxons, and having already abandoned his ancient dominion of Pengwern, stood at bay among the morasses of this district, and, being slain in battle, was buried at Baschurch.

The Elegy on Cynddylan is a poem attributed to Llywarch Hen, the alleged brother-in-law of Cynddylan. It contains the following passage, pertinent to the question of Cynddylan's burial-place.-

"Eglwysau Bassa yut wng heno,
Metivedd Cyndrwyn:
I ablan Cynddylan wyn!"

(The Churches of Bassa afford a space this night
To the offspring of Cyndrwyn;-
The grave-house of fair Cynddylan!)

The theory which connects the Berth with the history and fate of Cynddylan, I am not prepared to investigate, but the introduction of Baschurch into the above story is not, I hope, essential to its credibility.-

Basse is a Saxon proper name. [1] Baschurch cannot therefore have been founded till long after the aera of Cynddylan;- for Christianity and Churches were unknown in Mercia till the middle of the seventh century.

I am afraid that the obvious result of the above argument goes to question either the antiquity of the aera of, or the authenticity of the poem assigned to, Llywarch Hen. The poem must be the work of a Bard, who might have known that Cynddylan was buried near the place which in his (the Bard's) time was called Baschurch; but who did not know that the Church of Bassa was non-existent at the aera of Cynddylan.

In speaking of Middle I have shown that, previous to Domesday, Earl Roger gave the Church of Baschurch, with its three estates of Prestcote, Nunneley, and Bagley, to Shrewsbury Abbey. This information was derived from two Monastic Charters. Domesday not only registers the gift, but substantiates the most curious part of it, viz. that the Church of Baschurch was thus richly endowed.

Ipse Comes tenet Bascherche. Rex Edwardus tenuit. Ibi III hidae et dimidia. Ex his est una in dominio, et ibi sunt IIII carrucae,

[1] One Basse was founder of the Kentish Monastery of Reculver in the seventh century. The word Basing or Bassing is a patronymic form, signifying the son or descendant of Basse. Hence the names of such places as Basing, Bassingburn, Basingstoke, Bassingwerk (in Flintshire), and a number of congeners.


et VI Villani, et II Bordarii cum II carrucis. Ibi VIII Bovarii et III Piscariae de XXII denariis.

Huic Manerio pertinebant II denarii de ipso Hundredo. Inter totum reddebat VII libras. Modo valet VI libras dominium Comitis.

De hoc Manerio duas hidas et dimidiam, et AEcclesiam Villae tenet de Comite AEcclesia Sancti Petri. Terra est V carrucis, et ibi sunt cum XIII Bordariis. Valet XXVI solidos et VIII denarios. [1]

What King Edward the Confessor held in demesne at Baschurch was therefore a hide of land, and two-thirds of the Hundred-pence, or profits of the Hundred Court. The third penny belonged of course to the Earl of Mercia. The Royal revenue from these two sources was 7 per annum.-

In 1086 the hide, still held by Earl Roger in demesne, and the whole profits of the Hundred, produced 6.-

The remaining 2 hides were, and probably always had been, Church-land. They may be taken as the contents of Prestcote, Nunneley, and Bagley, as distinct from Baschurch proper. The Monks of Shrewsbury had stocked this land with a full complement of team-power.-

The hide retained by Earl Roger in demesne, and being in fact the Capital Manor, was in the next generation the subject of a very singular episode. It constituted the sole eleemosynary offering which the Annals of Shropshire can record for the memory of Earl Robert de Belesme. He gave it to Shrewsbury Abbey. The gift must have taken place in the year 1101, if the following extract from Henry I.'s Confirmation of 1121 may be taken as verbally and substantively correct.-

"Robertus de Belismo, qui post Hugonem fratrem suum Comitatus suscepit honorem, dedit Ecclesiae Sancti Petri, et Monachis ejusdem loci, Bascerce, cum omnibus quae ad eam villam pertinebant, concedente et sigilli sui auctoritate firmante piissimo Rege Henrico".

It is observable that much sooner after the fall of Belesme, that is between the years 1102 and 1108, King Henry I. had given Baschurch to the Abbey in a form which would suggest that the King himself originated the gift. This reticence about the one good act of a defeated but still dreaded foe, was natural enough in the King at that period. It tells us something of motives and feelings; and perhaps something of that feudal spirit which looked upon attaint as equivalent to annihilation. But suum cuique is a motto for all ages and states of existence;- a motto sometimes

[1] Domesday, fo. 253, a.


applied to the mover of an older and far darker apostasy than that of Earl Robert de Belesme. The Earl gave Baschurch to the Abbey, and the King thus sanctioned the gift, while he ignored the Giver.-

Henricus Rex Angliae Roberto [1] Episcopo de Cestria et Ricardo de Belmers, [2] et omnibus baronibus suis et fidelibus, Francis et Anglis salutem. Sciatis me dedisse Sancto Petro de Salopesberia et Fulcheredo Abbati, manerium quod vocatur Bascherch, et quicquid ei pertinet, sicut Robertus de Belismo unquam melius habuit in dominio suo. Et volo et praecipio ut hanc terram ita quietam omnibus modis teneat sicut ego melius concessi tenere alias terras ecclesiae. Testibus, Matilda Regina, Roberto Comite de Mellend. Apud Lecanot. [3]

Baschurch, both Church-fee and Manor, thus became solely the property of the Abbey, and the Charters of Stephen and Henry II. recognize the title of the Monks, attributing to the Earls, Roger and Robert, their respective shares in the grant.

It does not appear that the Lordship of Baschurch Hundred was so united to the Manor, as that the Abbots of Shrewsbury ever obtained any wide jurisdiction under the above grants. It was not the policy of Henry I. to alienate such rights of the Earldom. In his making Pimhill the caput of the new Hundred, I fancy I see a design to abolish all local pretensions whatever. The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255, in what it says of Baschurch, seems to have had in view only the Church-fee, and to have been drawn up in ignorance of the hide given by Earl Robert. At least, the following entries describe the Church-fee fully, and nothing more. "The Abbot of Salop holds in capite two non-geldable hides in Baschirche, by feoffment of Earl Roger, in free alms, and he affirms himself to have a franchise". And again,- "The same Abbot holds half a hide in Baggeley of the King in capite, by feoffment of Earl Roger in free alms; and he affirms himself to have a franchise".

On May 13, 1256, King Henry III. granted to the Abbot the privilege of holding a weekly Market on Tuesdays in his Manor of Baschirch, and a yearly Fair of four days, viz. on the vigil, the day of, and the two days following the feast of All. Saints (Oct. 31-Nov. 3). [4] The same King's Charter of Free Warren, dated on May 21, 1256, extends to the Abbot's demesnes at Bascherche. [5]

The Valor of 1291, by some extraordinary chance, omits any statement as to the Abbot of Shrewsbury's temporalities at

[1] Robert de Limesi.
[2] Richard de Belmeis, now Viceroy of Shropshire, consecrated Bishop of London in 1108. (Supra, Vol. II. p. 195.) [3] Salop Chartulary, No. 14.
[4] [5] Ibidem, Nos. 52, 53.


Baschurch. His exercise of Free Warren there was noticed; but passed unquestioned, at the Assizes of 1292. From a Charter of December 28, 1339, Baschurch would appear to have been increasing in population and importance since the Conquest of Wales and the tranquillization of the Marches. Now too the inhabitants of the place desired a corporate government and an independent position. It would seem too that the Abbot of Shrewsbury's prescriptive privileges were so great as that he was able to second such plans. "With the unanimous consent of his Convent, Adam, Abbot of Salop, gives and concedes to his Tenants and Burgesses of the New Vill [1] of Baschirche (natives excepted) that they may hold their Burgages, recently built, or thereafter to be built, for 100 years, each such Burgage paying to the Abbey an annual rent of 2s. in lieu of all services, except suit of the Manor-Court, and a heriot of 2s. at the decease of any Burgess. The Abbot further imparts to his Burgesses his own franchise of selling free of toll throughout England. He gives them rights of common throughout the Manor, and liberty to assize bread and beer, and to elect their own Bailiff". Such a Charter as the above will have put the men of Baschurch on a footing, equal to, and in some respects superior to, the inhabitants of a Royal Borough.

An Abbey Rent-Roll, drawn up about 1490, gives under Prescot, fifteen items of receipt, amounting to 3. 7s. 4d.; under Nonyley, three items, amounting to 1. 4s. 4d.; under Acton, twelve items, amounting to 4. 14s.; and under Baglay, three items, amounting to 9. 12s. 9d. It is also noted that every tenant in Baschurch pays a rent of 2 hens yearly to the Abbey.

The return of Abbot Thomas for the Valor of 1534 gives (among the temporalities of his House) assized rents of 25. 17s. 8d. as arising from Baschurch; and a rent of 20s. from Dashechurche. [2] The Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2 record a nearly identical total of 26. 19s. as arising from the following items, receivable from Baschurch, and its members of Newton, Prescott, Acton, Byrche, Nonyley, and Bageley, viz. Assized rents 4. 16s. 5d.; rents of tenants-at-will 6. 9s. 6d.; diverse ferms 13. 16s. 2d.; ferm of a Mill 1; movable rents 4s. 9d., and Perquisites of Court 12s. 2d. [3]

OF UNDERTENANTS in Baschurch proper, I shall here name only Radulf de Eyton, whose widow, Matilda, about 1220-30, resigns and quitclaims to Shrewsbury Abbey, all right, in the way of dower,

[1] That part of Baschurch which is still called Newtown.
[2] Valor Eccles. III. 189.
[3] Monasticon, III. 527.


to lands which her late husband held under the Abbey in the vill of Bascherche. Witnesses,- Ranulf, Parson of Stottesden, Master Stephen de Franketon, Hugh de Hauekeston, and Walter de Choleham. [1]

The names of many other Undertenants in Baschurch will now transpire in speaking of its members. We will first take the Church-fee, consisting of three vills, Prescott, Bagley, and Nunneley. The very name of-

PRESTCOTT (i.e. Priest-cot) shows how anciently this vill had been attached to the Church. Perhaps the following Fine should be introduced here.- On Sept. 18, 1199, Philip de in Mare, tenant of certain land in Mara (perhaps The Mere), surrenders the same to Alice de Prestecot (Plaintiff), who in turn allows him to hold it in fee, at a rent of one penny, and for 2s. paid down.

Whether the following affair is pertinent to Prescott near Baschurch, I am far from sure. In November 1221, Hugh fitz Hugh, Tenant of half a virgate in Prestecot, fines half a merk (Osbert Purcel being his Surety) for license to compound a cause of Grand Assize, wherein Goditha Slavine and her sister Matilda were Plaintiffs. By the Fine, levied accordingly, Hugh fitz Hugh concedes to Godith Sclavin and her sister sixteen acres of the premises, to be held under him, together with 12 acres (already held by the same sisters) at a rent of 3d. The 16 acres thus conveyed are defined as lying in Arildewell, in Chesterfordfeld, and in Hinestnere.

At the Assizes of 1256 the Pimhill Jurors presented an appeal as lying in the County Court, wherein John de Prestecote had accused Henry, Abbot of Shrewsbury, John Cruch (a monk), and Elias fitz Hugh of Nunniley, of robbing him of a horse, and of 4d. The Appellant did not now appear, and the Abbot and Elyas fitz Hugh were Clerks; and so, I presume, could not be dealt with in the ordinary way; but the Justices declined to enter into the case on another ground.- The Robbery purported to have taken place in Walcheria.

Surely this Plaintiff was not that John de Prestcote who had lands at Prescott, but who migrated to Shrewsbury, who appears as employed in the Abbot's affairs as early as 1255, who became Bailiff of the Abbot's Liberty of the Foregate, about 1260, and who still held that office in October 1272.

This last John appears in the following Charters.- About 1250-1260, as "John de Prestecote, son of Richard, son of Geoffrey de

[1] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 131-c, 132-b.


Prestecote, he concedes to the Abbey all his right in the land which he held in the vill of Prestecote, in the Manor of Baschurche. In return, the Abbot made him and his wife, Matilda, participators in the prayers and good offices of his House for ever. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Rossall, Richard de Pecton, and Thomas de Hordeleg". [1]

About 1260-70 John de Prestecote gave to the Abbey a noke and messuage in Prestecote, sometime held by Richard fitz Matilda, and which he (John) had purchased from Amice, the said Richard's sister. He reserves 1d. rent on this grant, and the Abbot gives him in exchange, land sometime held by Nicholas Cook, and lying between the fields of Sutton and the Abbot's demesne in the fields of the Monks'-Foregate. Witnesses,- Sir William, Vicar of Baschurch, Roger de Stanwardine, Peter de Pecton, Richard de la Mere. [2]

About the year 1280, John, Abbot of Shrewsbury, gives to John de Prestecote, dwelling in the Monks' Foregate, two parcels of the Abbey lands there, at a rent of 5s., payable to the Custos of the Altar of the Holy Virgin in Shrewsbury Abbey. Witnesses,- Adam le Bole, Henry Meyler, William de Prestcote. [3]

BAGLEY. In the year 1225, William, son of William de Stanwarthin, conceded to the Monks of Shrewsbury all the land which he held under them in Baggeleg, also half a virgate which he held under Sibil, Widow of Wydo Wallensis, in the said vill;- to hold for a term of 12 years beginning June 24, 1225. For this the Abbot paid 6 merks. Witnesses,- Master Gilbert de Weston, Master Stephen de Franketon, Gilbert Sadoc. [4]

In the year 1231 the Lessor in the last Deed was deceased, and his widow, "Emma, late wife of William, son of William de Stanwardin-in-bosco, with consent of Hugh, her heir, concedes to Salop Abbey, that third part, which belonged to her in the name of dower, of the land which her said husband held in the vill of Baggeleg; to hold to the Abbey for 9 years commencing June 24, 1231, and afterwards so long as the Grantress should live. For this the Abbot

[1] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 131-e, 132-b.
[2] [3] Ibidem, Nos. 132, 218.
[4] Salop Chartulary, No. 131. The way in which this Deed fixes the commencement of the Lease, is very remarkable.Incipiente termino die Nativitatis Sti. Johannis Baptiste, anno cycli decennoralis decimo, anno et quo data fuit quintadecima rerum mobilium Domino Henrico Regi Angliae filio Regis Johannis.-

The year 1225 was the 10th year of the Lunar Cycle of 19 years, and in the beginning of that year (as Matthew Paris tells us) King Henry III. had a grant of the 15th of all movables. See Matth. Paris (Edit. W. Wats), p. 324.


gave her 21s. Witnesses,- James, then Provost of the Foregate; Benedict de Eston. [1]

On November 21, 1236, a Fine was levied, showing that Hugh de Stanwardine was bound to warrant a half-virgate in Bagley to his tenant Alexander de Bagley, who was sued by William fitz Thomas for the same, under Writ of mort d'ancestre. Hugh was obliged to buy off William's Quitclaim by payment of 9 merks.

About the year 1240, Hugh, son of William, son of William de Stanworthin, gives to Salop Abbey, for the souls of himself, his father, and his mother, Emma, all the land which he held under the Abbey, within and without the vill of Baggeley. Witnesses,- Roger de Pivelesdon, Thomas de Lee. [2]

Before the year 1241 Hugh de Stanwardine had been succeeded by his brother, William, of whom I have said more under Stanwardine-in-the-Wood.

NUNNELEY. This member of Baschurch Church, though far removed from the Central Manor, is still in the Parish of Baschurch. On November 11, 1221, certain disputes were settled by Deed, between William Abbot of Shrewsbury and Hugh Pantulf, concerning the erection of a stank by the latter, in the Manor of Wemme. The Abbot agreed that Pantulf's stank should remain as it was on the above day, and quitclaimed all damages. In return Pantulf released to the Abbot all the wood he had between the field of Tyleweleg (Tilley) and the field of Slep (Sleap Magna), along the road called Rodweie, and under the said road to the Abbot's bosc. Moreover the men of Nuneleg were to have common pasture and other easements without any disturbance of Pantulf and his heirs in (respect of) the said Vivary. Witnesses,- Reyner and Simon, Abbots of Evesham and Reading, Martin de Pateshull, and Robert de Lexinton. [3]

About 1220-30, Robert son of Henry de Nonileg gives to Hughmon Abbey a meadow called Wellemeadue near to Slafforde. Witnesses,- Vivian de Roshall, Thomas de Lee. [4]

About 1230-40, "Ivo son of Robert de Slepe sells to the Abbot of Shrewsbury, for 18s., a rent of 5d. issuing out of 48 acres in Wellecroft, etc., and out of land held of him by John the Priest, in Nunnileg; and a rent of 14d. off a noke-and-half of land held of

[1] Salop Chartulary, No. 128-b.
[2] Ibidem, No. 130.
[3] Salop Chartulary, No. 400.- The four witnesses of this Deed were the Justices then in eyre at Shrewsbury.
[4] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 225-b. Well-meadow was in Charlton near Shawbury (supra, Vol. VIII. p. 151).


him by Reyner Chaudrei in Nunnileg; whereupon the Abbot granted the premises to the Infirmary of sick Monks, because the purchase-money was paid to the Grantor out of the Revenues of the said Infirmary. Witnesses,- Benedict de Eston, Hugh fitz Hamon, Nicholas his brother". [1] The same sells to the same, for a like purpose, and for 6s., a rent of 5d. of a noke in Nunnileg held under the Vendor by William fitz Eynon.- Same witnesses. [2]

In May 1253, William le Escot had a Writ of novel disseizin against the Abbot of Shrewsbury concerning a tenement in Nonilegh. By a Deed (which must be taken as a settlement of this dispute) "William Scottus of Nunileg gives to the Abbey all his right and claim to Bradmedue, without the vill of Noneleg. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Roshall, Thomas de Lee, knights". [3]

At the Assizes of 1272 William le Scot sued Robert le Poer for a messuage and half-virgate in Noneleye, but it was proved that the Plaintiff had himself demised the premises to William le Curteys, and that the latter had demised them to Robert le Poer.

BIRCH. Ivo and William de Birch seem to have migrated from hence to the Abbey Foregate, Shrewsbury. The three following Deeds probably passed between 1260 and 1280.- "Yvo de Birch, son of Henry de Birch, quitclaims to Salop Abbey all the land which his father held in the vill of Birch, together with a halfpenny rent which he had been used to receive for the said land from John, Rector of Ness. For this the Abbot paid half a merk. Witnesses,- John de Prestecote, then Provost of the Foriet, Thomas de Hordelee". [4] "Thomas Abbot of Salop exchanges 12 acres in the fields of the Foriete for 12 acres in Hundredhale (Underdale), with Ivo and William de Birch, and their wives Juliana and Dionisia. Witnesses,- John de Prestecote, then Provost of the Foriete, David de Montgomeri, William de Rodintone". [5] "Yvo and Juliana de Birch, for 26s. paid to them by Brother Henry, Custos of the altar of the Virgin in Shrewsbury Abbey, give three acres at the Red Quarry, in the fields of the Foriete, to the said Altar. Witnesses,- Brother Lucas, Seneschal of the Abbey, John de Prestecote". [6]

ACTON, now BOREATTON. As Acton, or Atton, near Ruyton, is now called Shotatton, [7] so Acton, or Atton, a member of Baschurch, is now called Boreatton. The following Deed, which passed about 1240-50, belongs properly to The Mere, but it contains a topographical hint, very clearly determining the identity of Acton with

[1] [2] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 253, 254.
[3] [4] [5] [6] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 131, 128, 404, 420.
[7] Vide supra, p. 118, note 2.


Boreatton.- "Richard de la Mere, son of John, gives to Shrewsbury Abbey 9 acres in the field called La Mere, [1] viz. 4 acres between Stanworthines-feld and the free land of Acton, and 5 acres in La Dale at Bruches. For this the Abbot paid 20s. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Roshal, Sir Robert de Halenton (Haughton), John de Merton". [2] We have seen Acton twice mentioned in the later Rent-Rolls of Shrewsbury Abbey as a member of Baschurch. [2]


I have stated under Middle all that is known of the early history of this Advowson, down to the time of Bishop Peche (1161-1182). It was Bishop Novant who, between the years 1188 and 1194, allowed the Monks of Shrewsbury to appropriate this Rectory. His Charter (which shows that the Church, like other Saxon Foundations, was in his time Collegiate or Portionary) runs as follows.- "Hugo permissione divina Coventriae Episcopus, omnibus per Episcopatum Coventriae constitutis, salutem, gratiam, et benedictionem. Noverit universitas vestra, nos, intuitu caritatis qua Abbas et Monachi de Salop praeeminere noscuntur, commisisse eis Ecclesiam de Bascherche cum omnibus ad eam de jure pertinentibus, in usus hospitum et peregrinorum et pauperum convertandam, post decessum Willielmi Brun et Herberti filii Alardi, clericorum, qui nunc eam possident. Ita quod Abbas et Conventus nobis et Successoribus nostris idoneam personam futuris semper temporibus presentabunt, qui congruam et sufficientem porcionem de ecclesia illa percepturus omnia onera debita ecclesiae illius convenienter valeat supportare: salvo siquidem nobis et successoribus nostris in ecclesia illa semper jure pontificali et parochiali. Ut autem haec nostra concessio futuris temporibus robur firmitatis obtineat, eam sigilli nostri valituro munimine sub multorum testimonio roboravimus". [4]

Between the years 1198 and 1208 "Bishop Geoffrey de Muschamp inspected and confirmed Bishop Hugh's Charter. Witnesses,- R. (Robert probably) Archdeacon of Salop; Master Adam, Dean". [5] Between the years 1208 and 1210, that Portion of Baschurch Rectory, which William Brun had held, fell vacant. The See of Coventry was also vacant, [6] and R., Archdeacon of Salop, coincidently died. At this juncture Philip de Novo Burgo, Official of

[1] Vide supra, pp. 77, 134.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 129.
[3] Vide supra, p. 133 bis.
[4] Lichfield Register, A. fo. 11, b.
[5] Salop Chartulary, No. 72.
[6] Bishop Muscamp died in 1208.


(From sketch taken in 1808).

[For engraving, see pdf.]


the late Bishop Muschamp, having inspected the above Charters took upon himself to induct the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury into corporal possession of the vacant Portion of Baschurch. [1] On July 6, 1216, Bishop William de Cornhull, in a Charter dated at Lilleshull, confirms the appropriation allowed by his predecessors, Hugh and Geoffry, and again "inducts the Abbot and Convent into the moiety of Baschurch Rectory, vacated by William Bruner. Witnesses,- Sir R. (Ralph) Abbot of Lilleshull, Masters John Blund and John de Ginges. Given at Lilleshull as aforesaid, by hand of Master Robert de Sandon". [2] On Feb. 16, 1223-4, Geoffrey, Prior of Coventry, and his Chapter, inspect, recite, and confirm Bishop William's Charter. [3] About 1216-1218, Hugh, Abbot of Shrewsbury, appropriated certain receipts of his House for the better refection of the Monks on the future days of his anniversary. [4] Among the items were two measures of corn, to be taken out of the Rectorial revenues of Baschurch, and the 5s. rent, with which we have seen John le Strange (II) charge his estate at Newton, near Middle. [5]

In the Taxation of 1291 the Church of Bascherch (i.e. the Rectory) is valued at 16; the Vicarage, at 5, per annum. The Vicar also received a pension of 2s. from the Church of Loppington, [6] probably a token of ancient subjection to Baschurch.

In 1341 the Assessors quoted the Taxation of the Church of Basch' as one of 21. They reduced this to an assessment of 12 on the Parish. Their reasons were, because the usual stock of sheep was not kept up in the Parish, and because all the lambs produced in the current year had been sold for two quarters of oats. Moreover, the wheat crop had failed in a great measure, and the community were pauperized by different taxes of constant occurrence. To the 9 now levied on the Parish, the Temporalities of Shrewsbury Abbey contributed a due proportion. [7]

The Abbey Rental (about 1490) gives 34 as the Rectorial tithes of Baschurch, besides a tithe varying from 1s. to 1s. 6d., according as Byrche was fallow or sown.

In the Valor of 1534 the Abbot's tithes of Baschurch stand at 15. 4s., and his share of the tithes of Bagley and Noneley at 1. 11s. 4d. [8] This total of 16. 15s. 4d. is singularly discrepant from

[1] Salop Chartulary, No. 76.
[2] [3] Lichfield Register, ut supra.
[4] Salop Chartulary, No. 379.
[5] Supra, page 113.
[6] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247.
[7] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 183.
[8] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. III. pages 189-190.


that given in the Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2, viz. 39. 4s. 9d., as the ferm of the tithes of Baschurch. As to the Vicarage, that was held by Richard Marshall and was valued at 11. 10s. per annum, less 10s. for procurations, and 4s. for synodals. [1]

The Valor further informs us of an annuity of 20s. payable by Shrewsbury Abbey to "Richard Wicherley, Dean of the Parish Church of Baschurch", according to an ordinance made by the Bishop of Lichfield at the time of appropriation. [2] By the Dean of the Church of Baschurch, is here meant not any functionary in that individual Church, but the Rural Dean of the district in which Baschurch was situated. The Bishops, unable to secure to these Officers any more regular stipend, seem at one time to have taxed certain impropriate Rectories in their favour.


WILLIAM BRUN (living about 1188-1209) and-

HERBERT FITZ ALARD (living about 1188-1194) seem to have been the last Co-Rectors of Baschurch. The following list of Vicars is meagre enough, and induces a suspicion that the Parish was very laxly provided for.-

WILLIAM occurs as Vicar about 1260-70.

SIR RICHARD, "perpetual Vicar of Baschurch", accepts, in 1298, a lease of lands, etc., in Eyton, under Sir Richard de Leighton. The Lease was for 12 years yet to come; but the Lessee seems to have vacated the Vicarage in less than one: for-

JOHN DE MORTON, Chaplain, was instituted January 11, 1299, at the presentation of the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury.

RICHARD DE RODYNTON, Priest, instituted October 28, 1805, was sworn to reside. Same Patrons.

SIR WILLIAM DE BEYSTAN occurs as Vicar in 1330 and in 1378-9.

SIR JOHN DE WYKSALE occurs 1387-8, and on April 22, 1404, exchanges preferments with-

SIR WILLIAM ROGERS, late Vicar of Dronfield. Rogers must have resigned immediately, for, on Oct. 27, 1404,-

SIR JOHN SCOLES, entitled Triburnensis Episcopus, was Vicar of Baschurch. The Church had been destroyed by fire, and the said Vicar had license to cause divine services to be celebrated in a Chapel situated within the Manor of Walleford, in a place suited to the purpose, and for the benefit of himself, his Parishioners, and

[1] [2] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. pp. 183, 191.


other Christians who might wish to attend. Scholes resigned soon afterwards, for on Feb. 15, 1405,-

SIR EDMUND FOX, Chaplain, was instituted Vicar, the Abbot of Shrewsbury presenting. Fox died in 1406, when on May 28,-

SIR RICHARD HEYNES, Chaplain, was instituted. He resigned in 1411.


THIS Manor is noticed in Domesday as follows.-

"Walchelinus tenet de Rogerio Comite Grivelesul. Leuiet et Godric et Seuuard et Algar tenuerunt pro IIII Maneriis et liberi fuerunt. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Terra est II carrucis. Ibi sunt III liberi homilies et reddunt VII solidos per annum. Hc terra valebat XXXII solidos T.R.E. [1] I have already noticed Walcheline as Earl Roger's Tenant at Faintree (near Bridgnorth).
[2] Faintree became, or perhaps was, even in Walcheline's time, a Serjeantry. Perhaps too its subsequent Lords were Walcheline's lineal descendants. But with Grinshill the case was otherwise. It appears to me to have been wholly annexed to the Fief of Fitz Alan, so paramount in Bascherch Hundred; and to have been bestowed by Fitz Alan partly on the Erletons or Orletons, and partly on the Lords of Stanton-Hyneheath. I must treat of these presumed feoffments distinctively.-

ORLETON FEE. Adam de Orleton has been seen to have granted half a virgate in Grinshill, before the year 1172, to Haghmon Abbey. [3] The same Adam attests about 1175 two important Charters of the second William fitz Alan, whose Vassal he probably was at Grinshill, and not elsewhere. About 1190-1200 Ralph de Orliton (hereby proved to have been son and heir of Adam) confirmed to Haghmon his father's donation of half a virgate in Gruneleshull. Witnesses,- William fitz Alan; John le Strange; Hugh Pantun; Robert fitz William; Gregory, Priest; Reginald de Tirne; Wido de Saubury. [4]

The residue of the Orleton estate in Grinshill appears to have

[1] Domesday, fo. 257, b,1.
[2] Supra, Vol. I. pp. 159, 160.
[3] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 276.
[4] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 64.


been 1 virgates. About 1220-25 "Ralph de Orleton grants to Robert, son of Richard de Franketon, all his land in Grinshill, viz. 1 virgates, for his homage and for 6 merks paid to the Grantor under pressing circumstances (in magnis negotiis), and for a rent of 3s. Witnesses,- Vivian de Roshall, Thomas de la Lee, Alan de Burcton, Reiner de Franketon, Reiner de Acton". [1]

There is good reason, but no specific Charter, for assuming that Ralph de Orleton afterwards gave the above reserved rent of 3s. to Wombridge Priory, so that Robert de Frankton became in effect the Prior's tenant. But Haghmon Abbey obtained the Seigneury of this estate by a Convention with Wombridge Priory, of which the particulars are preserved, viz. "Wombridge quitclaims to Haghmon all right in three half-virgates in Grinselle, which Robert de Franketon held hereditarily under Wombridge, for a rent of 3s. In return Haghmon quitclaims to Wombridge all right in the Mill of Chesewordin, out of which Wombridge had hitherto paid 3s. annual rent to Haghmon". [1] This Convention was a very early one of the 13th Century. The Chapters of both Monasteries sanctioned it. [2]

We have now traced 2 virgates in Grinshill to Haghmon Abbey. What further passed in the following Deed must be surmised.- "Pain de Famechro concedes and gives to the said Abbey, for the souls'-health of himself, his heirs, and ancestors, all his land of Grineleshull, free of all services, for which grant the Abbey gave him 60s. Witnesses,- Adam, Priest; Richard fitz Gervase, Priest".
[1] Here we may dismiss the Title of Orleton Fee as applied to anything in Grinshill and speak of the Haghmon Fee.

The Hundred-Roll of 1255 says as follows.- "The Abbot of Haghmon holds in Grineleshull one geldable hide, and it is of the fee of John fitz Alan, besides (praeter) 1 virgates, which are of the Fee of Erleton; and he (the Abbot) pays 3s. per annum to the Prior of Wembrugg, and does suit to the two Tourns of the Sheriff, and pays 3d. for motfee and stretward". [3] Here it is doubtful whether the ambiguous word praeter is intended to distinguish the Fitz Alan and Erleton fees, and to make them aggregately 1 hide and 1 virgates, or to make the hide inclusive of the 1 virgates. In either case there is some inaccuracy, for the charge of 3d. for stretward and motfee is proportionate only 1 virgates. Moreover it is

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, Tit. Grinselle.
[2] There must have been some previous transactions about Cheswardine Mill of which the Chartularies of Haughmond and Wombridge fail to supply any particulars.
[3] Rot. Hundred. Vol. II. page 76.


clear that the Erleton fee, held by the Abbey, was at least two virgates: and lastly it is probable that the rent to Wombridge had been commuted before the period of this Inquest. On the whole, I judge that Haghmon had acquired 1 hide and 2 virgates in Grins-hill, but that only 1 virgates were recognized as liable to stretward and motfee. As the Stanton Fee was half a hide, we shall thus reproduce the Domesday estimate. We shall also substantiate documents, already quoted under Acton Reynald, which show that the Abbot of Haghmon was Lord of exactly three out of four parts of the Manor of Grinshill. Passing to later times, the Haghmon estate at Grinshill has already had several incidental notices under Acton Reynald. The following may be inserted here.-

On Feb. 22, 1299, "Abbot Gilbert demises 4 parcels of waste in Grenshill-fields to Alice, widow of William Wigge, of Grenshill, and Richard her son, for the longer life. Witnesses,- William de Preston, Richard Gery of Acton". "On April 13, in the first year of King Edward (probably 1308 or 1327), the Abbot comes to an agreement with William Gery, of Grilleshull, and Alice, his wife. Witnesses,- Robert de Preston, William Banastre, Richard Gery".

In 16 Edw. II. (1322-3) [1] the Abbot demises a messuage and 16 acres in Grenshill-fields to William Wigge of Grinshill, and his son Richard, for the longer life.- This for 8 merks paid down, and a rent of 3s.

On May 3, 1341, one Richard, whose other name is written Heciriu, exchanges land in Grinshill with the Abbey. On Aug. 24, 1428, John Adam of Haston releases to William Sumpnor, Chaplain, all right in a messuage and half-virgate in Grenshill. Witnesses,- Thomas Banastre, John Chetwode, John Rodenhurste, Thomas Burrell, Ralph Colfax. "At Michaelmas following, William Sumpnor, with consent of John Adams, gives the premises to Haghmon, for 4d. rent. Witnesses,- John Chetwode, John Rodenhurst, William Wolascot".

The later Valuations, given under Hadnall, include the Abbot of Haghmon's receipts from Grinshill. [2]

STANTON FEE. This was half a hide, or one quarter of the Manor. In the 13th century it was held by the Stantons under Fitz Alan, and by the Actons of Acton-Reynald under the Stantons. Hence we have seen the estate usually coupled with Acton Reynald, [3] which was held in precisely the same way. In 1255, the son and heir of

[1] I suspect that this Deed should have been dated 16 Edw. I. (1288).
[2] Vide supra, page 60.
[3] Vide supra, pages 62-64.

144 FITZ.

Reyner de Acton (II) was in ward to Thomas Botterell. Hence the Pimhill Hundred-Roll says that "Thomas Boterel holds half a hide in Grinelshull, in the name of wardship. It was of the Fee of John fitz Alan, and owed, together with his other lands in the Hundreds of Pimhill and Bradford, [1] the service of half a knight's-fee, for 40 days at Oswestry. It did suit to County and Hundred, paid nothing for stretward, but, for motfee, 4d". [2] We have seen how this fourth of Grinshill passed with Acton Reynald to Philip Burnel in 1292; and have accounted for William de Ercalewe appearing in 1316 as Lord of both estates. [3]

GRINSHILL CHAPEL. This was a mere Dependency of the Church of Shawbury, but at the same an ancient foundation. All that I can learn of its early history has been told under Shawbury.


THERE was yet another tenure in Bascherch Hundred, which ultimately accrued to the Fief of Fitz Alan. It consisted of two Manors, Fitz and Gellidone, held at Domesday by Picot de Say, Baron of Clun. Of Fitz the Record speaks as follows.- "Isdem Picot tenet Witesot. Hunnith tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi III hidae geldabiles. Terra est V carrucis. In dominio sunt II carrucae, et IX servi, et IIII Villani, et unus Radman, et Faber, cum II carrucis inter omnes. T.R.E. valebat XL solidos, et post LX solidos. Modo VI libras". [4]

Picot de Sai, whose vast estates lay chiefly in the Borders of South Shropshire, seems to have cherished the few Manors which he had near Shrewsbury. In each case he had at least doubled the value of these estates, since they had come into his possession.

Earl Hugh's less suspicious Charter to Shrewsbury Abbey purports to have the attestation of Pigot de Say; but what is far more consistent with probabilities, it records how Pigot de Say had given to the Abbey two-thirds of the tithes of his demesnes of Phittesho and of Gulidone. In fact, as I have stated under Brompton, [5] an

[1] Alluding to Houghton (vide supra, Vol. VII. page 281).
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.
[3] Supra, page 64.
[4] Domesday, fo. 258, a, 2.
[5] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 170.

FITZ. 145

undoubtedly genuine Charter of Picot de Say himself, attested by Earl Hugh, gives, inter alia, two-thirds of the tithes of Fittesho and Gullidon for the building and maintenance of the conventual Church. These tithes were subsequently confirmed in the Royal Charters of Henry I., Stephen, Henry II. and Henry III.; being described loosely as the tithes of Phitesoth, Fitesso, or Fiteshod. The Charters of Bishops Clinton and Peche are more particular, and specify "two-thirds of the demesne-tithes of Gulidone and Fitesso" as belonging to the Abbey by grant of a Benefactor.

Fitz and Gulidone came in due course to Isabel de Say, Baroness of Clun, and passed from her to her descendants by the first William fitz Alan. The two Manors are sometimes associated under the common name of Fitz. Robert de Gyros, of whom we have heard so often as a Feoffee of the Barons of Holgate, was Fitz Alan's Feoffee at Fitz. I think his Feoffor must have been Isabel de Say after her first husband's decease, or her son William fitz Alan (II), for there is nothing in the Clun Feodary of 1165 which can be taken to indicate any such previous feoffment. On the death of Robert de Gyros (about 1190-4), his lands, under whomsoever held, were farmed for a time by the King's Escheator. [1] Hence at Michaelmas 1194 the said Officer accounts for 3. 1s. 4d., as half a year's ferm of Robert de Girros's estate of Fittesho. A similar half-year's ferm is accounted for in the Escheat-Roll of 1195; but the year's corn-crop of Fittesho had been sold for a further sum of 10.

As I have often before stated, Robert de Gyros (II) seems to have had a general livery of his inheritance about March 1195. In 1200, as we shall see, he was a party to a suit concerning the Advowson of Fitz. About 25 years later, Robert de Gyros commenced a series of dealings with his Manors of Fitz and Gulidon which transferred the most valuable parts of them to Haughmond Abbey. First, about the year 1225, "he sets his two Mills of Fittes to the Canons, to farm during his life. They are to pay him 8 merks annual rent and to grind his own corn toll-free; but at his death the Canons are to have the Mills without payment of any rent. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas Maudut, Robert his brother, Vivian de Roshall, Thomas his son, Alan de la Mare". Very soon after this, "Robert de Girros gives, concedes, and confirms" the said two Mills to the Abbey (without any mention of rent or conditions) in pure alms, with an acre of land near the Upper Mill, to form a

[1] Vide supra, Vol. I. p. 153.

146 FITZ

messuage;- with multure and suit of his men of the Manor of Fittesho, viz. in Muridon, Grafton, Mutton, and Fittesho;- with the toll of his own wheat;- with the eels caught at the floodgates;- with soil, to be taken anywhere, for the stanks;- with common-pasture for the Miller's cattle, viz. 6 kine and 40 sheep;- with power to remove the Mills any whither on the banks of the Peveree, taking timber out of any woods, except the Grantor's Haye;- with room to winnow corn;- and, lastly with a Guarantee that neither the grantor nor his heirs should injure the Canons by building any third Mill in the Manor of Fittesho. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas Maudut, Robert his brother, Vivian de Roshale, Thomas his son, Alan de la Mare, John his son, Stephen de Patinton, and Walter fitz Bernard". [1] About 1237-9, "Robert de Gyros released to the Abbey the rent of 8 merks which he had been used to receive on Fitz Mills. Witnesses,- Sir John Fitz Alan (obiit 1240), Sir John le Strange, then Sheriff (so appointed Oct. 26, 1236), William de Heclee (read Hedlee), and Thomas de Rossall".

About the years 1239-42, the following Deeds succeeded each other in rapid succession.- "Robert de Gyros gave to Haghmon Abbey the Chapel of Fittesho, saving an annual charge thereon of 22s., payable to the Church of St. Mary (Shrewsbury), viz. 11s. on St. Andrew's day, and 11s. at the Close of Easter. Witnesses,- Sir John le Strange, William de Hedley, Hugh fitz Robert, Thomas de Rosshale". "The same gave to the same, half a virgate in Fittes which William Deacon of Fittes held. Witnesses,- Sir John le Strange, Thomas de Costentin, Thomas de Lee, Philip de Hugeforde, Richard de Pecton, Alan le Poer, Thomas le Hessee (i.e. Hussey)". "The same gives to the same half a virgate in Fittesho sometime held by Thomas fitz Geoffrey, together with the said Thomas, who was the Grantor's native, his chattels and suit, except his children, Geoffrey and Dyota;- gives also two crofts, with the meadows appertaining, which William Deacon of Fittesho sometime held, one of which crofts was between the two Mills, the other in the Lee;- gives also the Advowson of the Chapel of Fittesho, saving, etc. (as before). Witnesses,- Sir John le Strange, William de Hadleg', Hugh fitz Robert, Thomas de Roshall, Sir Philip Daubel, Chaplain; Master Richard de Kagworth; Philip, de Hugeford; William de Bikedon, Wydo de Hadenhale; Radulf Parson of Clungunford, Richard de Pecton, and Simon de Staunton".

[1] The probability that this Deed passed about 1226 is increased by the names mentioned under that date, Vol. I. p. 276.

FITZ. 147

"The same gives to the Abbey that Geoffrey, his native,- the son of Thomas, whom he had excepted in the former Charter, when he gave Thomas. Witnesses,- Master Richard de Kagworth, Henry de Gyrois, Simon de Stanton, John de Prestone". Lastly, "Robert de Gyros gives to the Abbey his whole Manor of Gulidon with its appurtenances, easements, men, and their chattels; and with all his wood, outside his Park, according as the boundary stood between the wood of John le Strange of Middle and the said wood; and between Walleford wood and the said wood; and up to the Park of Thomas de Roshale, and the Grantor's Park; [1]- gives also all his heath and pasture towards Leton and Wilavescot (Wollascott), and Preston, and Webelesco (Webscott) and up to the vivary of Middle. Witnesses,- Sir John le Strange, Hugh fitz Robert, Thomas de Roshale, Roger de Pivelesdon, Philip de Hugheford, Richard de Pecton, Thomas de la Lee, Thomas Huse, William de Bykedon, Alan le Poer, John de Merton, Reyner de Acton, Wido de Hadenhale". By his Letters Patent, "Robert le Gyrroys appoints his Seneschal, Symon de Long Stanton, to put the Abbot in seizin of the Manor of Gulidon, and of all other lands in Fittesho which were conveyed by his Charters. Witnesses,- Master Richard de Gagworthe, Adam de Muneton, William Meyfei, William de Alvithechurche, William Stoke, and others". It would seem that the Abbot of Haghmon thought it better to secure the above grants by a Fine. He paid 2 merks for license to levy the same. It bears date at Westminster, Feb. 9, 1245. Robert de Gyroys (through Richard de Cruce, his Attorney) acknowledges his gifts to Abbot Gilbert of the Manor of Gulydon, and of one virgate, two tofts, two Mills, and the Advowaon of Fyttesho, unde placitum warrantiae cartae The prayers and good offices of the Abbey were the consideration.

The latest notice which I have of Robert de Girros is in October 1250, when a Plea of land was pending between him and the Dean of St. Mary's. On Nov. 8, 1251, his widow, Isabella, was suing the Abbot of Haghmon for dower, viz. one-third of the Manor of Myrydon (heretofore called Gulydone), except the park, and one-third of 2 Mills and a virgate in Fytesho. The widow's suit for dower was effectual, but Thomas de Constantine and Walter de Hopton, as heirs of Robert de Girros, were bound to warrant their Uncle's Charters, and the Court ordered Isabella's dower to be made good out of their lands elsewhere.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 states as follows.- "Walter

[1] He probably had a Park at Addcote, in Little Ness.

148 FITZ.

de Hopton and Thomas de Costentin hold VIII geldable hides in Fittesho. It is of the fee of John fitz Alan, and held by service of a knight's-fee in time of war, at Oswestry. [1] They do suit to County and Hundred, and pay 4s. 8d. for stretward and motfee". [2] Here I may observe that this payment of 4s. 8d. is proportionate to a Manor of only seven hides, and yet that the collective Domesday hidage of Fitz and Gellidone was no more than 5 hides. Such a change on Domesday measurement was in a very unusual direction, and requires explanation. I can only suggest that the seven hides of 1255 were inclusive of Mytton, a Manor of 2 hides, which circumstances had associated with Fitz and Gellidone.

The Pipe-Roll of 1261 gives Walter de Hopton and Thomas de Costentine as jointly fining half a merk for some judicial Writ;- probably relating to De Girros's inheritance. On July 7, 1271, Walter de Hopton has a Writ against John Fitz Alan for disseizing him of common pasture in Fittes. On October 20, 1277, a Fine was levied between Walter de Hopton and Thomas de Constantin (Plaintiffs), and Alan Abbot of Haweman (Tenant) of 3 messuages, 2 tofts, 1 Mill, and 2 carucates and 1 virgate of land, in Guledon and Futtesho. The Plaintiffs acknowledged the Abbot's right, under grant of Robert de Gyros, Uncle of Thomas, and kinsman (consanguinei [3]) of Walter, whose heirs they are; the premises to hold to the Abbot in pure alms, without any rent to the Plaintiffs, but the Abbot performing forinsec services. Moreover Walter de Hopton conceded to the Abbot 2 messuages and a virgate, held by two Villains in Guledon. In return, the Abbot paid Walter 20 merks, and conceded to him 2 messuages and a virgate in Fittesho, held by two Villains of the Abbot. Moreover the Abbot conceded to Walter two tofts in Fittesho, which the same two Villeins sometime held, but for this Walter was to pay the Abbot 6s. rent, which payment was not to entitle the Abbot to any homage, fealty, relief, aid, wardship, custody, scutage, pontage, hidage, or heriot, from Walter or his heirs. This Concord was made at Shrewsbury, the said Villeins being present and allowing that they were Villeins.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 merely states "Fittis to be held of Fitz Alan by service of one knight for 15 days in wartime

[1] A proof that the feoffment of De Girros was not earlier than the time of William fitz Alan (II), for a Tenure in Clun Barony would not have been charged with service at Oswestry before the two Baronies were united.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.
[3] He was his Great Uncle, viz. brother of Joan, mother of Walter, father of Walter.

FITZ. 149

at Oswestry". Adam de Montgomery had, as we know, married Isabella, daughter and heir of Thomas de Constantine. The Inquest taken at Fittes on August 18, 1290, after Adam de Montgomery's death, found him to have died seized of half the Manor, which half was held of the Earl of Arundel by a quarter of a knight's-fee. His heir was his son Robert (born March 2, 1272), so far as the estates of the said Robert's Mother (Isabella de Constantine) were concerned. [1] These estates were at Oldbury, Eatton Constantine, Burwarton, Sontford (near Knokin), and Fittes. I have followed the descent of Isabella de Constantine a step further under Eaton Constantine, but the difficulties there stated I am unable to solve. As to Walter de Hopton, I have said much of him in a far more exalted position than as Coheir of De Girros. His marriage with the Baroness of Wem made him a great man during her life, but at her death little seems to have remained to him in virtue of that alliance. He remarried, but died before March 10, 1305, when the King's Writ of Diem clausit announced his decease. The King's concern in the matter was because the Suzerain of the deceased, viz. the heir of Richard Earl of Arundel, was in ward to the Crown. The subsequent Inquest found Walter de Hopton to have held the vill of Fittes, with the hamlets of Mucton (Mytton) and Grafton, of the said heir and of the Barony of Clun, by service of one-sixth of a knight's-fee. Walter, his son and heir, was two years old and over. [2] We shall recur to his name and descent on future pages. Suffice it to say here, that, in the Nomina Villarum of 1316, this Infant, Walter de Hopton, is set down as sole Lord of the Vill of Fittes.

HAUGHMOND FEE. I will include under this head the Abbot's temporalities in Gellidone, as well as in Fitz and other places. The Taxation of 1291 gives him two carucates in Glulydon, realizing 32s. per annum, and assized rents, amounting to 13s., in Walleford, Fyces (Fitz), Addestrete (Addcot), and Grafton (a member of Fitz). Three Mills at Milford, Bentmill, Addcote, and Fytes, realized 1. [3]

On September 24, 1385, the Abbot demises to Roger, son of Thomas de Grafton and Isabella, Roger's wife, and John his son, a messuage and half-virgate in Grafton. Rent 8s. In Christmas week, 1406, Abbot Ralph demises the Mill of Fittesho to John Addecote Junior.

Other valuations of these estates of Haughmond Abbey are given under Addcott and Merrington. [4]

[1] Inquis. 18 Edw. I., No. 5.
[2] Inquis. 33 Edw. I., No. 77.
[3] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 260.
[4] Supra, p. 105; infra, p. 155.

150 FITZ.


This was originally a dependence of St. Mary's, Shrewsbury; but when that Collegiate Church lost its hold upon its Manor of Mytton it seems also to have lost its hold on the Advowson of Fitz Chapel; and (as we have seen) Robert de Girros both claimed this Advowson and alienated it to Haughmond Abbey. At a much earlier period, Picot de Say's grant of tithes of his demesnes at Fitz to Shrewsbury Abbey seems to have been an arbitrary alienation, and injurious to local interests. Of the consequent litigation and animosity, the following documents give only the outline.- On October 6, 1200, there was a suit pending at Westminster, concerning the "Advowson of the Church of Fittesh'". The Bishop of Bangor (then Robert de Shrewsbury [1]), the Canons of St. Mary's, and Robert de Gyros were parties thereto. All that transpires is that it was adjourned. We next hear of Robert de Girros conveying this Advowson, not merely by Charter, but by a dated Fine of February 9, 1245, to Haughmond Abbey. In October, 1258, the following memoranda appear on a Roll of Pleas, before the Queen and the King's Council at Westminster.- "The Abbot of Haghmon names Brother Nicholas de London his Attorney against the Dean and Chapter of Salop in a plea of Quo Waranto". This was doubtless about the Advowson of Fitz, but a second entry shows that the Abbot had already suborned force in the matter, though his direct agency does not appear.- "Henry, Abbot of Salop, hath been attached to give answer to the King in this placitum, viz. as to wherefore, prejudicing the King and his Free Chapel of St. Mary, Salop (which Chapel is so exempted as that neither the Pope nor any judge ecclesiastic has jurisdiction therein), he (the Abbot) had exercised a jurisdiction in the Chapel of Fytesho, appurtenant to St. Mary's, viz. by despoiling the Clerks of St. Mary's of the said Chapel, which Clerks had obtained the said Chapel by collation of the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's"? Specifically, Lawrence de Brok, the Crown prosecutor, now stated that "the aforesaid Abbot had sent his men to the Church of Fittesho, (in which Church the King's Bailiffs had

[1] It is probable that Robert de Shrewsbury was Dean of St. Marys both before and after his consecration to the See of Bangor. Mr. Blakeway (History of Shrewsbury, Vol. II. page 325) has not included him in the list of Deans; but his idea that the tenure of the Deanery was incompatible with the tenure of an Archdeaconry is a mistake. Henry of London, for instance, held the same Deanery not only with an Archdeaconry but with an Archbishoprick.


instituted R. a Clerk), to displace the said R. and to institute another Clerk, who pretended to be admitted by the Bishop. The Abbot's men had further broken open a chest with jewels therein, and had carried away the goods and the coin of the King's presentee". Abbot Henry now appeared before the Council. He denied the violence and injury alleged. He said that he had acted under mandate of Master Hugh de St. Edmund, who then had jurisdiction in all concerns of the Crucesignati.- The said Hugh, by letters which the Abbot produced, had ordered the Abbot to do instant justice in behalf of Robert de Acton, Clerk, a Crucesignatus, and Parson of the Chapel of Fittesho, in respect of injuries done to the said Robert de Acton by Richard de Houton, Canon of St. Mary's and others. So far went the Abbot's affair on this occasion.

On Oct. 20 following, in the same Court, Laurence de Brok (for the Crown) sued Robert de Acton, Hervey de Hope, and William fitz Roger for forcibly entering the Chapel of Fitesho, an appurtenance of St. Mary's, and for breaking open in the said Chapel a chest of Isabella de Constantine. [1] This matter went no further; for the Sheriff reported to the Council that Robert de Acton was a fugitive, and that his lands and goods had been confiscated to the Crown. Then again the Crown Prosecutor called for John Ernald, a Monk of Shrewsbury, for Reginald de Ragdon, Richard fitz Thomas, Alan, Clerk of Salop, and Philip Smith of Prestcote, for the same offence. They were not forthcoming; and the Sheriff was ordered to attach them. In Hilary Term 1254 Roger Ernaud and the others were still not to be found. Also attachment issued against the Manucaptors of Robert de Acton. They were Adam Wele, Hugh de Longslow, Robert de Prene, Alan de Buildwas, John de Pres, and Ranulf de Rodinton. At length however the great culprit himself, Robert de Acton, appeared before the Council. He surrendered the Chapel of Fitz, by license of the Court, to the King. He also allowed that the Sheriff should ascertain what chattels he had taken from the Chest, and should realize an equivalent out of his (Robert de Acton's) lands. The resignation of Robert de Acton, whose ulterior history has been traced elsewhere, [2] only produced further litigation about the Advowson of Fitz Chapel. A suit between the Abbot of Haghmon and the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's, was adjourned to Westminster at the County Assizes of January 1256. [3] The

[1] Sister and Coheir of Robert de Girros, deceased. At that time People of rank frequently deposited their valuables in Churches for the sake of security.
[2] Supra, Vol VI. p. 137.
[3] Assizes Roll, 40 Hen. III., m. 15.

152 FITZ.

Reverend Litigants actually settled the matter by wager of battle, and it would seem that the Abbot's Champion was victorious. Meanwhile, that is in the summer of 1255, the Commissioners for taking the Hundred Inquests sat at Shrewsbury. Their report as to the Royal Free Chapel of St. Mary's contains an allusion to the pending quarrel. They said that "the Dean of St. Mary's presents to the Chapel of Fitches, and that Master Richard de Lynton holds it, and that is worth 7 merks yearly, but is not accounted among the 10 Prebends of St. Mary's". It is added by interlineation that "the Abbot of Hageman claims to be Patron, et vi ejus ven' (probably vices ejus veniunt, that is, his interests are represented) by Master William de Kilkenny". [1]

A Writ of K. Henry III., bearing date at Westminster Oct. 18, 1256, and addressed to Roger (de Weseham), Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, informs that Prelate of the recent suit, and how a duel had been armed and foughten between the parties: since which the Dean and Chapter (the Defendants) had come into Court and renounced their right. The Bishop is therefore to admit the Abbot's Presentee to the said Parsonage. Bishop Weseham, in a Letter dated at Brewood Nov. 25, 1256, recites the above Writ and transmits the exemplification to the Abbey, Ralph de Chaddesden, Treasurer of Lichfield, Sir Nicholas de Leger, William de Weseham, and James de Bakepuz, attesting. By another instrument, undated, but sealed with the common seals of St. Mary and St. Chad, the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary renounce their right, not only to the Church of Fittes, but to any pension whatever arising therefrom.

The Taxation of 1291 does not notice this Chapel; but in 1341 the Assessors of the Ninth taxed the Parish of Fittos at 20s., saying that they did not assess it higher, because the Chapel was taxed at its true value.

The Valor of 1535 gives the preferment of Hugh Gyles, Rector of Fettys, as 5. 10s. per annum, less 1s. for Synodals and 3s. 4d. for procurations. [3] As to the demesne tithes, the Abbot of Shrewsbury still retained his interest in them. Those of Meriden were apparently farmed by the Abbot of Lilleshull, who paid 16s.per annum to Shrewsbury for the same. [4] The Shrewsbury Abbot's portion in the tithes of Fitts was returned as worth 10s. per annum. [5]

[1] Rot. Hundred. p. 78. Mr. Blakeway (Hist. Shrewsbury, II. 306) gives another and perhaps truer reading of this paasage; from which it would result that Kilkenny was the Abbot's Law-Agent.
[2] Inquis. Nonaarum, p. 192.
[3] [4] [5] Valor Eccles. III. 183, 190. The Lilleshall Valor (page 197) states the 16s to be paid to Salop Abbey for land at Mereden and in Shrewsbury.



RICHARD DE LYNTON seems to have been identical with R. the Clerk, ejected in 1253. He had been of course presented by the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's. As usual, where a Royal-Free-Chapel, like St. Mary's, was concerned, a secular Officer of the Crown had been empowered to induct.

ROBERT DE ACTON, the intruder of 1253, was probably the Nominee of Haghmon Abbey. He resigned in 1254.

RICHARD DE LYNTON was apparently reinstated. He was holding the Chapel in the summer of 1256, but obliged to resign, I presume, in the following Autumn.

MASTER WILLIAM DE KILKENNY seems to have been the counter-nominee of the Abbot of Haghmon.

ROBERT, Parson of Fitesho, failed at the Assizes of August 1267, in a suit against Walter de Hopton, whom he accused of depriving him of a right of common in Fitesho.

MASTER RICHARD DE GOLDEN, Rector of Fittes, died March 24, 1315.

ROBERT DE PRESTON, Acolyte, was admitted May 28, 1315, at presentation of the Abbot and Convent of Haghmon. On March 3, 1316, being a Subdeacon, he has a year's license of non-residence studendi gratia. On Nov. 25, 1316, the license is renewed, Bishop Langton being at the time at Haghmon Abbey. This is the Robert de Preston who occurs so often as a witness of Haghmon Deeds. He died Nov. 29, 1334.

SIR JOHN MOUNTSORRELL, Priest;- admitted December 15, 1334. Same Patrons. Died Feb. 6, 1343.

HUGH DE GREYBY, Clerk, admitted Feb. 18, 1348. Same Patrons.

DAVID FITZ GREGORY exchanges this Rectory on June 27, 1347, with-

JOHN TROCHARD, late Rector of Lanwydelan (Dioc. Assav.), who died Aug. 8, 1349,- probably of the Pestilence.

THOMAS BANASTER of Yorton, Clerk, admitted Sept. 21, 1349. Same Patrons.

JOHN DE HARLESCOTE, Priest, admitted Oct. 9, 1369. Same Patrons.

BROTHER JOHN MORTON, a Canon of Haghmon, resigned this Rectory in 1398, when, on July 21,-

RICHARD PAYN, Clerk, was instituted, he being in his first tonsure. Same Patrons. Payn resigned in 1398; and on January 3, 1399,-


ROGER YVE of Leton, [1] Priest, was admitted on a like presentation.

Gellidone, afterwards Murydon, now Merrington.

THE Domesday notice of Fitz is followed by that of Gellidone.- Isdem Picot tenet Gellidone. Hunnith tenuit. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Terra est V carrucis. In dominio est una (carruca), et IIII Servi, et III Villani, et IIII Bordarii, et unus Radman, cum II carrucis inter omnes. Silva ibi XXIII porcis incrassandis. T.R.E. valebat XV solidos, et post tantundem. Modo (valet) XL solidos". [2] The history of this Manor and the progressive changes of its name have been given, with the exception of a few details under Fitz.

Helias de Gulidone, evidently a Tenant here, has been seen attesting a Hadnall Deed towards the very end of the 12th century. I can hardly suppose this Helias to have been identical with "Elias de Morene, son of Richard de Gulidon", who, about the year 1240, "gives to Hagmon Abbey all his right in 5 nokes in Gulidon. Witnesses,- Walter le Hese (i.e. Hussey), Thomas his son, (filius proprius), and Alan le Poer". [3] William, son of Elias de Morene, confirmed his father's gift in a contemporary Deed, attested by the same witnesses. I must assume the Confirmation of "Robert, son of Robert de Gyros", to have referred to some antecedent phase of this grant. His styling himself "son of Robert de Gyros" as late as 1240 would be quite unaccountable.- "He confirms to the Abbey the whole land which was Helias de Gulidon's, viz. 5 nokes, saving however the right and tenure of Helias's heirs. For this the Canons of Haghmon paid De Gyros two merks. Witnesses,- John and Hamon le Strange, brothers". About 1240-50, "Richard, son of William de Gulidon, gave the Abbey a messuage which he held of Robert de Gyros, with a croft and orchard belonging thereto, in exchange for a messuage in the same vill, with crofts pertaining thereto, and half an acre of land. Witnesses,- Sir Robert de Gyros, Sir Thomas de Rossall, Roger de Letone". About the year

[1] He was also Rector of Albright Hussey, Vide supra, page 86.
[2] Domesday, fo. 258, a. 2.
[3] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 147.


1254, "John le Strange gave to Haghmon Abbey all his part of the Sichet in Smeyewodifal, which Sichet lay between the Abbot's bosc of Gulidon, [1] according as the foss surrounded the said Sichet under the Grantor's bosc of Mudle. He also concedes his share of the said Sichet in the place called Bedsich, as the Abbot's foss surrounded the said Sichet under the Grantor's bosc of Mudle. [2] The Abbot is to pay 2d. rent for this grant. Witnesses,- Richard de Pecton, John de Merton, Martin de Boruton, Roger de Leeton, William fitz Warin of Leeton, Richard Gurdin, Reiner de Acton". [3]

From 1262 to 1277 I find notices of one Thomas de Murydon as a local Juror and witness. Richard le Fremon of Muridone occurs on a Jury of the year 1274. Both doubtless were tenants of Haghmon Abbey.

The Tenure-Roll of 1279 says, that "the Abbot of Haughmon. holds Meryden in frank almoign of the gift of Robert Girreis".

About the year 1280 " Nicholas Griffin, son of Nicholas Griffin, releasing his right to a virgate in the vill of Gulidon (viz. that virgate to which he had succeeded as heir of his mother Amelia), the Abbot gives him half a virgate in Buriton (Berrington). Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Rossall, John de Hauchestr' (probably Hawskston), John his son".

The Valor of 1535 gives the Abbot of Hagmond 20. 11s. 6d. as arising from the rents of Muryden. [4] This includes of course a number of adjacent estates; such as those alluded to under Marton, Addcott, Ruyton, and Fitz. [5]

PAROCHIALLY Gellidone was not in Fitz, but in Preston Gubbalds. Hence it was that the Abbot of Lilleshull, being Lord of Preston Gubbalds, farmed the tithes of Mereden in 1535 under Shrewsbury Abbey. [6] Merrington still preserves its ancient parochial status, being in Preston Gubbalds.

[1] Opposite the word Gulidon, the word Muridon is coevally written in the margin.
[2] Sicut fossatum dictum Sichetum circuit subtus boscum meum de Mudle:- a passage which disfavours the usual interpretation given to Sichetum, viz. a water-course. I take it here to mean a dingle.
[3] All Jurors at the Hundred Inquest of 1255, except Reiner de Acton, who appears to have died in the interval.
[4] Valor Eccles. III. 192.
[5] Supra, pp. 78, 105, 117, 149.
[6] Supra, page 152.- At an earlier period (that is, in the 13th century) the Abbot of Shrewsbury's Lessee, in respect of the tithes of Gulidon (i.e. Merrington) was the Abbot of Haughmond (supra, Vol VIII. p. 150).



AMONG the Domesday possessions of St. Mary's, Shrewsbury, was Mytton, in Bascherch Hundred. It had been St. Mary's in Saxon times.- Ipsa Ecclesia tenuit et tenet Mutone, et Picot de ea. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Ibi IIII Villani cum II carrucis. Valuit XII solidos. Modo est ad firmam pro XI solidis. [1]

The Canons of St. Mary's made a bad arrangement for their successors when they adopted Picot de Say as their Fee-farm Tenant at Mytton. The Says, or their descendants, the Fitz Alans, so farmed the estate as that it became a mere member of their secular tenure at Fitz. It was part of the feoffment of Robert de Gyros, and it would appear that one of the two Mills, given by him to Haghmon Abbey, was in Mytton rather than in Fitz. The said Mill was at all events claimed by the Chapter of St. Mary's as being theirs, and they made the King, as usual, a party to the lawsuit of his own free Chapel. In October 1253 "the King appeared in a suit of Quo Waranto against the Abbot of Haghmon, as to wherefore the Abbot held a Mill in Mutun, which Mill belonged to the King's Free Chapel in Salop". [2] I cannot trace this suit any further, but it would appear that on Robert de Gyros's death in 1251 the Dean and Chapter not only sought to recover Mytton Mill, but took actual possession of the whole Manor. They were of course impleaded for the same by Robert de Gyrros's heirs. The suit came on at the County Assizes of January 1256, and ended in the defeat of the Dean and Chapter. The process is very important as a genealogical document. It runs as follows.- "Thomas de Costantin and Walter de Hopton seek against the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary, Salop, six virgates in Mutton, of which Robert de Gyros, Uncle of Thomas and kinsman of Walter, whose heirs they are, was seized, and of which they say that he died seized. And from the said Robert, because he died without a bodily heir, the fee of the said land descended to a certain Isabella, [3] and a certain Joanna,

[1] Domesday, fo. 252, b, 2.
[2] Placita coram Regina et Consilio, etc. 37, 38 Hen. III. The King's appearance (obtulit se) was of course figurative. He was in France at the time.
[3] We have seen that Isabella de Constantine was living in 1253. She must have been now dead.


as to his sisters and heirs. And from Isabella the fee of her purparty descended to the aforesaid Thomas as her son and heir. And from Joanna the fee of her purparty descended to one Walter as her son and heir, and from that Walter to his son and heir, Walter, the present Plaintiff". This was the Plaintiffs' case. Now for the Defendants'.- "And the Dean and Chapter appear by their Attorney, and cannot answer without the Lord King, because his Church of St. Mary of Salop is the King's Chapel, and because he confers all Prebends belonging thereto". Thomas and Walter rejoin that "the Suit in no way touches the King, nor had the King ever had anything in the aforesaid land, nor had he conferred it on the aforesaid Church: nay that the land was their right, as that of which their Antecessor, Robert de Gyros, had died seized as of fee, five years since". The Dean and Chapter declined to reply further "without the King; nor would they show any Charter of feoffment, for", as they said, "there was no necessity to do so". The Court decided that "the Dean and Chapter do remain unprotected (indefensi) and in misericordia, and that Thomas and Walter do recover their seizin". [1]

The subsequent history of Mytton is as a mere member, both of the Manor and Parish of Fitz, [2] and in which the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's retained not a vestige of their ancient Seigneury.

WE will now follow the History of two Manors on which St. Mary's retained a more permanent hold than on Fitz. Of Astley Domesday speaks thus.- Ipsa AEcclesia tenuit et tenet Hesleie. Ibi III hidae geldabiles. Ibi Presbyter cum IX Villanis et II Bordariis habet III carrucas; et adhuc II carrucae possent esse. Silva L porcis incrassandis. Valuit XX solidos. Modo (valet) XXV solidos. [3] The Priest, thus resident at Ast1ey, was probably a Canon of St. Mary's. On the Forest-Roll of 1180 the Canons of Estley, who are set

[1] Assizes, 40 Hen. III., m. 3 dorso, Thomas de Constantine made Walter de Upton (read Hopton) his Attorney in this Suit. The latter was doubtless well qualified to act for both parties. He was afterwards one of the King's Justices.
[2] Vide supra, page 149.
[3] Domesday, fo. 252, b, 2.


down as amerced 5s. for waste, were probably the ten Canons of St. Mary's.

Henry II., in one of his earliest Charters to Haghmon, after confirming the site of the Abbey, the assarts made by the Canons, and the gift of a wood towards Shawbury, by William fitz Alan (I), proceeds to give the Abbey a right of free common for all its live stock and the stock of its men of Offinton throughout the whole of Astley; but the Canons are to pay an annual rent of 12d. to the Chaplain (Query, Chaplains?) of St. Mary's, Salop. Witnesses,- Thomas the Chancellor, etc. [1] The Dean and Chapter of St. Mary, "with assent of King Henry", and in a contemporary Deed, ratify so much of William fitz Alan's Charter as defined the boundaries between the bosc, granted by him to Haghmon, and the Chapter's bosc of Astley, viz.- "from the field of Sundorn straight to Blakelake and to the White Sichet towards Withyforde". The reservation of 12d. rent to the Dean and Chapter is repeated, and the common seal of St. Mary and the common seal of St. Chad were appended to the document. [1]

The Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "the Dean and Canons of St. Mary's, Salop, hold three geldable hides in Estleg, and it is of the Fee of the King's Chapel at Salop. It owes suit to County and Hundred, and pays 2s. yearly for stretward and motfee". [2]

On October 8, 1257, a dispute as to the boundaries of their respective woods was settled between the Dean and Chapter aforesaid and Haghmon Abbey. The limits assigned were, "a campo de Sonderne per illam semitam quae ducit propius boscum de Asteley usque le Blakelake versus Wideford et sic descendendo usque Le Wytesyche, et sic per illud Sichetum usque terram de Haghton". The right of common in Astley for the men of Uffinton was again renewed at the old rent of 12d.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "Asteley is held in the same way (with Clive and Sansaw)", that is, "by the men of Astley, in free socage, under the Canons of St. Mary, which Canons held in frank-almoign of the Crown".

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 a curious mistake is made. Of the Vill of Asteley and * * k'lom the Dean of St. Mary's, Stafford, is set down as Lord. [3]

THE TENANTS IN SOCAGE of such Manors as Astley were usually more numerous than important. We have heard elsewhere of Pagan

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, Tit. Asteley.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[3] Parliamentary Writs, IV. p. 398.


[For engraving, see pdf.]


de Preston, and of Agnes, the eldest of his four daughters. [1] At the Assizes of 1203 this Agnes, then wife of William de Preston, claimed 3 virgates in Estleg, as land of which her father had died seized. The present Tenants, Richard de Westb'i and his Sister Margaret, deposed that they held the land as Guardians of Margaret's infant son, Roger, whose inheritance it was. So the case was adjourned.

In January 1250, John le Ireis of Estleg was assessed for a pourpresture on the King's Forest, viz. 1 roods. In May 1271 Richard de Willaston sued Richard, son of Adam Onewyn for disseizin in Astlegh-juxta-Hauman. William fitz Richard de Astlegh was about this time Bailiff of Pimhill Hundred. Robert fitz John of Astleg occurs on a Leaton Jury in 1262, and sat on the Pimhill Inquest of 1274. Richard fitz Robert of Astley was Elizor for the same Hundred at the Assizes of 1292, and occurs on a local Jury in 1298.

On August 15, 1816, "Roger Banastre, John le Palmere, and seventeen other men of Astley, release to Haghmon Abbey all right in a parcel of wood called Strifwode, and in a parcel of waste called Hadeley. Witnesses,- Roger de Cheney, Seneschal of Edmund, Earl of Arundel, and then Sheriff of Salop". In June 1337, Stephen de Lee, being impleaded for disseizing John de Westbury of a messuage and carucate in Astley-juxta-Shawbury, said that he had entry through William de Ercalewe. In December following John de Westbury and Sibil his wife were in misericordia for not prosecuting this suit. On March 4, 1339, "John le Shirmusor of Astley quitclaims to Nicholas, Abbot of Haghmon, one royal acre in Astley bosc, near the Abbot's land at Le Home. Witness,- Roger Banastre". On April 80, 1357, "Stephen de Lee and Alice, his wife, acknowledge by fine a grant to William Banastre of Hadnall of a messuage and carucate in Astley-juxta-Hadnall". The Consideration was 10 merks.

ASTLEY CHURCH.- The resident Priest of Domesday, whether a Canon of St. Mary's or not, probably indicates the coexistence of a Church. We have had evidence of a Church being at Astley-juxta-Berwick in 1281; [2]- a Church in which Baptisms were celebrated, and therefore in no very low state of subjection to St. Mary's. Like the Mother Church it was dedicated to St. Mary.

Of a Church, associated, like Astley, with a Royal Peculiar, whose Capitular Muniments are wholly lost, we can expect nothing but incidental notices. No Valor of Churches is likely to allude to such a Benefice; and, of course, Diocesan Registers are silent

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. pp. 257, 258.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 394.


as to Incumbents, who were presented and instituted by a secular power.

St. Mary's Broughton.

THIS Manor was divided both in Saxon times and at Domesday between the Shrewsbury Churches of St. Mary and St. Chad. At present we speak of St. Mary's Manor. It is thus described in Domesday.- "Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae tenuit et tenet Burtune. Ibi V hidae geldabiles. Unus Presbyter habet ibi dimidiam carrucam et VII Villanos cum II carrucis et dimidia; et adhuc III carucae plus possent esse. Ibi silva XXIII porcis incrassandis. T.R.E. valebat solidos. Modo (valet) XV solidos". [1] By St. Mary's Fee at Broughton we are to understand, not Broughton proper, but Clive and Sansaw, which to this day are two townships in the Parish of St. Mary and in the Liberties of Shrewsbury. Clive too is a Chapelry of St. Mary, and it is probable that a Church, served by the Domesday Priest, existed at Clive when the Record was written.

In 1255 this estate of St. Mary's is described simply as Clive, and was reputed to contain one, if not two, hides less than we should have expected from Domesday.- "The Dean and Canons of St. Mary, Salop, hold IIII geldable hides in Clive, and it is the King's almoign to his Chapel of Salop. It does suit to County and Hundred, and pays 2s. for stretward and motfee"; [2]- the rate usually proportionate to a manor of 3 hides.

At the Assizes of 1256 Richard de Houeton (who we know was a Canon of St. Mary's) sued Thomas Dod, Roger Swyst, Thomas le Forester, Thomas, Henry, and Hugh de Gryveleshull, Stephen le Rus, Thomas fitz David, Robert, Roger, and Thomas de Haukeston (brothers) Roger de Smethcott, John de Haukeston, and others for erecting a fence in Clyve to his injury. The Defendants pleaded that whatever had been done had been done by order of the Abbot of Haghmon, whose tenement was in question. The Plaintiff had leave to amend his form of procedure. At the same Assizes, the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's failed to appear in a Suit instituted by themselves against Robert Corbet (of Moreton) for 5 acres of bosc in Clyve. David de Hopton, a Juror on the Pimhill Hundred-Inquest of 1274, was of Clive.

[1] Domesday, fo. 252, b. 2.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


[For engraving, see pdf.]


The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that, "the Dean and Canons of St. Mary, Salop, hold the vills of Clive and Sansall (Sansaw), in Frank-almoign of the King; and the men of Clive and Sansall hold in free socage under the said Canons".

On January 20, 1283, "Thomas de Halth of Clive, for 40s. paid, and for a rent of 6s. 8d., payable to himself while living, gives a messuage and half-virgate in Clive, to his own son Thomas. After the Grantor's death the Tenant was to hold under the Lords of the Fee". On May 2, 1283, "Matthew de Clive and Alice his wife grant a messuage and half-virgate in Clive to Roger, son of the said Matthew, who gives a sore-hawk, and will pay 6s. 8d. rent to Matthew and Alice, and the heirs of Alice". On November 18, 1286, "Robert, son of Richard de Clyve, and Dionisia his wife, give two thirds of a half-virgate in Clyve to Matthew de Clyve, to hold under themselves and the heirs of Dionisia, at a halfpenny rent. Moreover they give the reversion of the other third of the premises, which third was now held in dower by Sibil, widow of Warin Lofkin, but was of Dionisia's inheritance. Matthew pays 8 merks for this Fine".

The following extract from an Assize Roll is rubribated in the Haughmond Chartulary as relating to Sonsaweshethe (Sansaw Heath). The date must be between 1284 and 1304.- "Matthew, son of Richard de Hulle of Clyve, sued Gilbert, Abbot of Haghmon, Brothers Richard de Dounton, Stephen de Overton, and Philip le Graunte (probably Canons of Haghmon), and six persons of Grinshill, for disseizing him of a right of common in 20 acres at Clyve" The Abbot proved the said 20 acres to be in Grinshill, not in Clyve.

On Oct. 13, 1347, "Robert, son of Richard fitz John of Acton, and Agnes his wife, release, for themselves and the heirs of Agnes, all right in a third of a messuage, half-virgate, and 10 acres of pasture at Sondshawe, to John, son of John de Lee, Plaintiff, who gives 20 merks for the release".

CLIVE CHAPEL. I have no means of determining the date of this Foundation, for the reasons given under Astley. The Chapel is dedicated to All Saints.


St. Chad's, Broughton. Norton.

ANOTHER part of Broughton is that described in Domesday as held by the Shrewsbury Church of St. Chad.- Ipsa aecclesia tenuit et tenet Burtone. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Terra est V carrucis. Ibi III Villani habent II carrucas. Valuit X solidos. Modo (valet) XI solidos et II denarios. [1] With this entry must be coupled that relating to Yorton.- Ipsa AEcclesia tenuit et tenet Lartune. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Terra est IIII carrucis. Ibi Presbyter et unus Villanus cum I carruca. Valuit VIII solidos; modo (valet) V solidos. [1] These Manors must be taken to be equivalent to modern Broughton and Yorton, places which now form one Parish (viz. Broughton) in the Liberties of Shrewsbury. That Parish, I can have no hesitation in saying, was anciently a Chapelry of St. Chad, and the Domesday Priest of Yorton probably served a Church at Broughton.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255, says that "the Dean and Canons of St. Chad, Salop, hold IIII hides in Burhton and Iyarton of the fee of the Bishop of Chester. They owe no suit, and have a Franchise, the Jurors know not by what warranty". [2] This passage favours a former surmise, viz. that St. Chad's Church held all its Manors, both before and after the Conquest, immediately under the Bishop of Chester. [3] We also see that while St. Mary's Manor had lost one or two of its Domesday hides, St. Chad's Manor retained its ancient complement.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279, says that "Broughton and Yourketon are held of the Dean of St. Chad's, Salop, in free socage"; and that "the Dean holds of the Bishop of Chester free of any service".

OF THE SOCAGERS of St. Chad at Broughton and Yorton, the following notices are offered.- Alan de Bureton occurs as a frequent witness of local Deeds, from about 1220 to about 1240. In one instance he is followed by Reiner his son. [4] Martin de Burchton occurs in similar positions, from about 1252 to about 1278, and also on Juries of 1255, 1256, 1272, 1274, and 1277, the four first being Juries of Pimhill Hundred. In 1262 he is named among the

[1] Domesday, fo. 253, a, 1.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[3] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 285, note 1.
[4] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 274.


[For engraving, see pdf.]


Regarders of the Forest of Mount Gilbert. Martin de Burchton's wife, Mina, seems to have been an heiress to lands at Pitchford and Acton Burnell, which lands they sold to Robert Burnell in 1272. [1] At the Assizes of that same year, Martin de Burgthon recovered 5 acres in Burgthon, of which he had been disseized by Philip de Paunton, Agatha his wife, Petronilla de Burgthon, Richard Puleby, William Page, and Richard fitz William of Albrithton. Philip de Paunton's defence was that he had custody of the premises as the nearest friend of (his wife) Agatha.

In Michaelmas Term 1282, Margery, widow of William de Franketon, having first sued Richard Robuk, and Agnes his wife, under writ of morte d'ancestre, for 2 nokes and a messuage in Yorthon, afterwards agreed that the Defendants, and the heirs of Richard, should hold the premises; and Richard agreed to pay 10 merks to Alan Pride of Salop.

John, son of Martin de Burchton, was a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1292. He was preceded on the list by Alan de Burchton, who occurs also on Juries of the previous year. In 1308, Robert de Burcton attests a local Deed.

BROUGHTON CHAPEL. Of this, as a mere Dependency of St. Chad, we are not likely to hear much. Even the Officiating Ministers of St. Chad's itself received no institution from the Diocesan Bishop till after the Reformation.

Some extracts from a Valuation of the estates of the Collegiate Church of St. Chad, taken after its dissolution in 1547, will form a fitting conclusion to this Chapter.- The Church, Glebe, tithes, and profits of St. Margaret of Broughton, were fermed by Roger Bromeley, of Broughton, and Joan his wife, under lease of the late Chapter, dated April 3, 1543, and terminable with the life of the surviving Lessee. Bromeley was bound by the said lease to pay 24s. rent to the Dean of St. Chad; 6d. for annual synodals; 4. 6s. 8d. to an officiating Chaplain; 6. 16s. 8d. rent to the general funds of the College; and 16s. 8d. rent to four of the Prebendaries, for the tithes of Yarton. The only other receipt which the Chapter had from this estate, besides Bromeley's rents, was 5s. 4d. rent from lands at Yarton. One of the Prebends of St. Chad was called the Prebend of Yarton, but its endowment was not wholly in Yarton, and it was divided among four Prebendaries. "The said Churche of Broughton" (added the Surveyor) "is a Parishe Churche in the Countrie". The late Dean and Chapter having had all the tithes

[1] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 130.


of the "towne" of Broughton and Yarton, had had it in charge to provide a curate to minister there, but now Roger Bromleye's lease bound him to find the said Curate, and to pay the other rents above specified. [1]


WE may now proceed with those other estates in Bascherch Hundred, which Domesday exhibits as held from Saxon times by the Church of St. Chad.- Ipsa AEcclesia tenuit Bichetone. Wiger tenet de ea. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. In dominio est I carruca, et IIII Villani, et unus liber homo cum II carrucis; et aliae II (carrucae) possent esse. Valuit X solidos: modo (valet) XV solidos. [2]

At the close of the 12th century Bicton was held wholly under St. Chad's Church by one William de Bicton, possibly a descendant of Wiger, the Domesday Tenant. Of this William we have already had several notices in 1174, 1199, and 1203. [3] The Pipe-Roll of 1209 records an amercement of 6s. 8d. against William de Bikedene quia retraxit se. It was probably another William de Bykedon, who by a Fine levied at Huntingdon on Nov. 5, 1247, concedes 2 virgates in Bykedon to Nicholas, Abbot of Buildwas, whereof had been Plea of Warranty. He "concedes the land, with the site of a Grange, and with 3 seilions, near the Manor-house (curiam) of Gilbert fitz William, and with a road from Bykedon into the King's Highway, which went from Moneford bridge to Salop; and with heather for the Abbot's Granges at Mole (Monk Meole) and at Bykedon". There had been an actual suit, tried at Cambridge in the previous month, to oblige William de Bykedon to give the above warranty. He had been declared in contempt of the Court for hesitating to appear, and all his lands had been seized by the Sheriff. [4] Hence I suppose an amercement of 6s. 8d. recorded in the Pipe-Roll of 1250, against William, son of Thomas de Bykedone, quia retraxit se. [5] In October 1250 and October 1251, I find notes of a cause wherein the Abbot of Buildwas was trying to compel William de Bykedon to observe the Fine levied at Huntingdon. Henry de

[1] Hist. Shrewsbury, II. 202-205.
[2] Domesday, fo. 253, a, 1.
[3] Supra, Vol. II. 66 n.; Vol. VI. pp. 74, 106, 167; Vol. VII. p. 172.
[4] Abbrev. Placitorum, p. 125.
[5] Rot. Pipe, 34 Hen. III, Salop.


Wynesbury and Roger de Wendelawe (probably Onslow) were William's Sureties, but the Court ordered his appearance to be secured by better Sureties. Hence perhaps another amercement of 6s. 8d. against William de Bykedon, pro defalta, recorded on the Pipe-Roll of 1252. In 1255 William de Bukedon was dead, and the Pimhill Hundred-Roll states that "his heirs hold III hides in Bukedon of the fee of St. Chad, Salop, and have a franchise;- the Jurors knew not by what warranty". [1] I have shown under Oaks that the heirs of William de Bicton were his two daughters Isabella and Margery, and that Isabella became the wife of Thomas, son of Richard Gourdin. [2]

Now Richard Gourdin, Isabella's father-in-law, is set down on the Assize-Roll of 1256 as one of twelve knights of Pimhill Hundred who had made some default and were in misericordia. It is probable that he had the wardship of Isabella, and married her to his own son. He himself however occurs on Juries of Pimhill Hundred in 1255, 1256, 1272, and 1274. In the last instance he is expressly styled Richard Gurdin de Bykedon, though it is certain that his son, Thomas, had already married Isabella. [2]

I can trace nothing more of the interest of either of these coheirs of Bicton. The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "Wilhelmus quondam Dominus de Bicton tenet (read tenuit) Bicton de feodo Sancti Ceddi, Salop". In the Nomina Villarum of 1316, the Dean of St. Chad's himself is entered as Lord of the Vill of Bikedon. These general expressions show only that the parties recording them were ignorant of details.

Recurring to the year 1247 we have seen that besides William de Bicton, Lord of Bicton, there was one Gilbert fitz William having a Curia, or Manor-House, and probably a co-ordinate tenure in the Manor. Also, there was a William Bykedon, a Recognizer in 1256, in a trial which concerned Great-Sleap (in this Hundred). It was doubtless the son of this last William whom we have seen as "Thomas, son of William de Bikedon", to have been enfeoffed in land at Bicton, before 1272, by Margery, one of the Coheiresses above named. [2] Again Thomas de Bykedone was one of the Jurors of Pimhill Hundred at the Inquest of November 1274. Lastly we have a Deed, said, or implied, to have passed after the statute of mortmain (1279), whereby "Thomas, son of William de Bikedone, gives to Buildwas Abbey all the land which he had, or should be able to have, in the Vill of Bikedone, with the Houses, etc.,

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 168.


appurtenant thereto, the Monks paying to the Dean of St. Chad's 5s. 6d. yearly, and doing suit to the Dean's Court. Witnesses,- Sirs Hugh Burnel (obiit 1286), John de Lee, Adam de Lacy, Adam de Montgomery, and Richard de Leghton, knights; Engilard de Polileg, Thomas, Clerk of Bykedon, Reginald de Roshal, Roger de Hopton (Query, Horton ?), and others". [1]

There was once an Inquest of 14 Edw. I. (1285-6) which related to the acquisition of lands in Bikedon and other places by the Abbot of Buildwas. [2] It is very probable that this Inquest was a correlative of the above Deed, and it is quite certain that, at the period, such an Inquest would naturally be required as a preliminary to any relaxation of tbe Statute of Mortmain.

At this time a moiety of the Seigneury of Bicton was in the hands of Geoffrey Randolf, a thriving Burgess of Shrewsbury, of whose father, William, I have said something under Newport. He had apparently acquired it from that very Thomas fitz William whom we have just seen giving the fee of an estate at Bicton to Buildwas Abbey. On May 8, 1288, this Geoffrey, styling himself "Geoffrey Randulf de Novo Burgo, of Salop " (that is, Geoffrey Randulf of Newport, resident at Salop), gives to Buildwas Abbey the capital messuage of the vill of Bikedone, with the curtilage belonging thereto, and with all seigneuries (dominiis), liberties, etc., pertaining to a moiety of the seigneury (dominationis) of the vill of Bykedone;- to hold in frank almoign, rendering to the Dean of St. Chad the due and accustomed service for the moiety of the said vill. Moreover the Grantor intends that the Monks should hold the premises in the way specified by a Charter made to himself, by Thomas, son of William le Styward. Witnesses,- Sir Robert Corbet, Thomas de Roshal, John de Lee, and John de Arundel, knights; John, Lord of Hanewode, John le Waleys, Reginald de Roshal, and Roger de Hortone. [3]

Geoffrey Randolf next occurs as actual Tenant or occupant of an estate at Bicton, the Seigneury whereof was in Buildwas, and the Fee of which he purposed to give to the Abbey. A Writ of Jan. 18, 1291, orders it to be ascertained by Inquest, whether Geoffrey Randolph's design of giving 2 messuages and 60 acres in Bykedon to the said Abbey was injurious to the Crown? The Jurors replied that Geoffrey held the premises under the Abbey, and the Abbey held under St. Chad's Church. Geoffrey's service to the Abbey

[1] Blakeway's Parochial Notices (in Bibl. Bodl. Oxon.), Vol. I. p. 78.
[2] Calend. Inquis. Vol. I. p. 92.
[3] Monasticon, V. 358. Num. x.


was 15d. per annum. His plan would not injure the Crown, except that, so far as he had been liable to serve in Assizes, Juries, and Inquests, and (when resident at Bicton) to attend the Dean of St. Chad's Court of Frank-pledge, these services would now be lost. He had other lands in the town of Shrewsbury and elsewhere, which would still oblige his attendance on Assizes, etc.; so that the Country would not endure any unusual burden by the removal of his liabilities in respect of Bicton. [1] A Patent of November 12, 1291, gives Geoffrey Rondulf the required license, viz. to convey a mes-suage and 80 (sic) acres in Bykedon to Buildwas Abbey. [2]

It would next seem that an expression in Thomas de Bicton's Charter of 1285-6 (as to giving to Buildwas, lands which he might obtain in Bicton) was not mere technical verbiage. On November 25, 1291, a Fine was levied whereby John son of John le Vileyn of Salop (Impedient), surrenders to Thomas de Bygedon (Plaintiff) 2 messuages and 1 virgates in Bykedon; to hold of the Lords of the Fee. This Fine purports to be the result of a Plea of Warranty, and the consideration (a sore hawk) makes it probable that it was levied only for security of title.

How much of the acquisitions of Buildwas Abbey at Bicton is recorded in the Taxation of 1291 I cannot say. The Abbot had 2 carucates of land here, valued at 1 per annum. The profits on his live stock were 1. 10s.; and the assized rents of Bykedon were 3s. Total 4. 13s. [3]

A word more about Geoffrey Randolf and Thomas de Bikedon. The former served as one of the Bailiffs of Shrewsbury six times between 1290 and 1323; the latter was in the same office no less than twelve times between 1273 and 1319. In 1296 we have Geoffrey Randolf as a Benefactor of the Augustine Friars of Shrewsbury. [4] In 1308 Geoffrey Randolf (acknowledging certain rents as due from hiinself to Wombridge Priory, for premises in Shrewsbury) styles himself "Geoffrey Rondolf of Salop, son of William Rondolf of Newport". Thomas de Bekedon, then Bailiff of Salop, stands first witness of these acknowledgments. [5]

Two Bicton Fines levied October 6, 1301, may be by Undertenants of Buildwas Abbey, or by immediate Tenants of St. Chad.- "Reginald de Rossall and Isolda his wife enfeoff William Hawelithe and Juliana his wife in a messuage and 21 acres in Bikedon,

[1] Inquis. 19 Edw. I., No. 54.
[2] Pat. 19 Edw. I. m. 1.
[3] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 261.
[4] Inquis. 24 Edw. I., No. 87.
[5] Wombridge Chartulary, Tit. Salop. Numbers I. III.


to hold to the Grantees and the heirs of Juliana, under the Lords of the Fee". The same "Reginald and Isolda enfeoff Reginald's son Reginald, and Amicia his wife, in 2 messuages and 21 acres;- to hold to the Grantees and the heirs of Amicia under the Lords of the Fee". In each case the Feoffees pay 20 merks for the Fine.

In the Valor of 1535, the Abbot of Buildwas acknowledges 4. 3s. 4d. as his assized rents from Bykton. [1] The Ministers' Accounts, a few years later, repeat the item as "the Ferm of lands and tenements at Byketon".

At its Dissolution in 1547 it does not appear that St. Chad's College retained anything at Bicton except tithes. The tithes of Bicton and Calcot furnished 1. 14s. towards the endowment of one Prebend of St. Chad and 12s. to the endowment of another.

Little Rosshall.

THIS was another of St. Chad's Domesday Manors.-

Ipsa aecclesia tenuit et tenet Rosela. Ibi I hida geldabilis. Duo Radmans, cum VII Bordariis habent III carrucas et dimidiam. Valuit VIII solidos. Modo (valet) XV solidos. [2]

At the Eyre of 1203, there was a Grand Assize between William, a Priest (of the one part), and Ralph de Roshal, Godith his wife, and Aldith, Godith's sister (of the other part), concerning half a virgate in Parva-Roshal. The Jury found that the better right was in Ralph, Godith, and Aldith. The Priest was declared in misericordia, and amerced half a merk, for which Robert de Girros became Security. [3] But a postscript to this Plea is its most curious feature.- "Thomas de Beverley hath put in his claim diversely (apposuit clameum suum diverse), because neither Plaintiff nor Tenant has right in the said land, and because that land, and his (Thomas's) right therein, pertains to the Prebend which he holds in the Church of St. Chad".

The Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "William Terum holds one hide in Roshall Parva, and it is of the fee of St. Chad, and he has a Franchise, the Jurors know not by what warranty". [4]

[1] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. 191.
[2] Domesday, fo. 253, a, 1.
[3] Assizes, 5 John, m. 4. The Pipe-Roll of 1204 gives William Presbyter as amerced half a merk pro falso clameo.
[4] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


By a Fine of January 27, 1256, Alan fitz Robert (tenant of a messuage and half-virgate in Parva Roshale) gives 6 merks to Adam fitz William and his wife Alice, who surrender a claim which Alice had laid to the premises, under a previous Writ of mort d'ancestre. Half a merk was paid by the Plaintiffs for license thus to terminate their suit.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 gives Robert Blecheley as holding Rossa Parva in free socage, of the Church of St. Chad, and by a rent of 5s. per annum. I am unable to trace any descent, from one to another, of the above tenants in Little Rosshall: nor can I say whether the following were Tenants in Little or in Great Rosshall.- Reginald de Rossall attests Bicton Deeds in 1285 and 1288, and was living in 1301, when he sold land in Bicton to his son Reginald, and his son's wife Amieia, with an entail on the heirs of Amicia. Alan and Reyner de Roshall were Jurors for Pimhill-Hundred at the Assizes of 1292, and sat on an Ellesmere Inquest in 1309. Hugh de Roshall was Chief Bailiff of Pimhill Hundred in 1292. Stephen de Roshall occurs as Attorney in a Bicton Fine of 1301, and as a Witness nearly 40 years later. [1]

One of the prebends of St. Chad was called the Prebend of Rossale. At the Dissolution of the College in 1547, Little Rosshall furnished 1. 11s. 4d. of the income of its Prebendary, viz. 4s. 8d. from lands, and 1. 6s. 8d. from tithes, both farmed by Thomas Styrre.


A PART of this Manor was in Bascherch Hundred and was of the Domesday Fee of St. Chad.- Ipsa aecclesia tenuit et tenet Andrelau. Ibi I hida geldabilis. Wasta fuit. Ibi III Villani habent carrucam. Valet IIII solidos. [2]

The Domesday distinction, which placed Robert fitz Corbet's share of Onslow in Ruesset Hundred and St. Chad's share in Baschurch Hundred, endured for centuries, the former share remaining in Ford Hundred, the latter in Pimhill. Now however the distinction is destroyed by both shares having been absorbed by the

[1] Supra, pages 55, 58.
[2] Domesday, fo. 253, a, 1.


Liberties of Shrewsbury. As the same Feoffees held both parts of Onslow in the 13th century, I cannot be sure that all the following notes relate to St. Chad's share. In part they are supplementary of what has been said of the other share. [1]

In Easter Term, 1209, William fitz Ralph appears as Essoignor of William de Bikedon, who had a suit of mort d'ancestre against John de Haldeslawe. Roger de Onslow has lately occurred to us in 1250 as Roger de Wendelawe.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 gives Roger de Ondeslauwe as second of the Jurors, who reported (inter alia) that "he held a hide of land in that Hundred, of the Fee and Liberty of St. Chad". [3] At the Assizes of 1256 he was again on the Jury for Pimhill Hundred, but in 1272 and 1274 he, or another of his name, officiated in a like way for Ford Hundred. He occurs on a Meole Jury in 1273.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that Roger Onslow holds Onslow, of St. Chad's Church, by service of 4s. Meantime, that is in July 1259, I find Richard de Ondeslaue charging the Prior of the English Hospitallers with disseizing him of a tenement in Eyarton. Eyarton I suppose to be Yarton, but I cannot say what the Knights Hospitallers had obtained there, nor do I find the Onslows afterwards concerned in the Manor.

In 1292 there appears to have been some distinction in the Tenants of the two parts of Onslow; for while John de Ondeslauwe was a Juror for Ford Hundred, William de Ondeslawe was Juror for Pimhill.

On February 28, 1543, the Dean and Chapter of St. Chad demised all the revenues of their College (except the tithes of Broughton and Yorton) for 61 years, and on terms for which I refer elsewhere, [4] to Humphrey Onslow, Esq., of Onslow. It is worth observing that neither this Lease, nor the Survey of the Revenues of St. Chad's (taken at its Dissolution in 1547) makes mention of any part of such revenues as arising from Onslow itself. St. Chad's share of the Manor seems in fact to have been both rent-free and tithe-free.

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 171-173.
[2] Supra, page 165.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[4] Hist. Shrewsbury, Vol. II. p. 201.


Preston Gubbalds.

As we are speaking of ecclesiastical Fees, we will proceed "with the only Manor in Baschurch Hundred which Domesday assigns to the Church of St. Alkmund, Shrewsbury.- Ipse aecclesia tenuit et tenet Prestone, et Godeboldus de ea. Ibi IIII hide. In dominio est una carruca; et II Villani et III Bordarii, et II Francigenae cum XI carrucis; et aliae II carrucae adhuc possent esse. Wasta fuit. Modo valet X solidos. [1] Of Godebold, the Priest, whose name still adheres to this locality, I have said enough elsewhere. Among the Confirmations to Lilleshull, that of King John, in August 1199, best shows that Preston Gubbalds had, like other estates of St. Alkmund, passed to the Abbey. It confirms Preston and Lee consecutively, and lower down on the list comes Preston-juxta-Moneford. The first Preston was Preston Gubbalds; and Lee (near Pimhill) was a member thereof. An early Rent-Roll of the Abbey gives Preston Gubald as producing 1. 5s. 9d. in Michaelmas Term, and 16s. 2d. in Lent Term, while the Chapel of Preston Gubald produced 13 merks (8. 13s. 4d.) yearly.

At the Assizes of 1221 the Jurors of Shrewsbury complained how Anian de Preston, who had committed larceny and been captured with his booty upon him, had been committed to gaol till the Abbot of Lilleshull demanded to try him in his own Court. Being the "Abbot's man", he had been given up, but the Jurors knew not how he had been dealt with.

A Fine levied October 20, 1227, may possibly belong to Preston Montford, though I think that I rightly insert it here.- "Hugh de Alminton and Alice his wife, Tenants of half a hide in Preston, surrender the same, for themselves and the heirs of Alice, to William, Abbot of Lilleshull, who gives them 5 merks". The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "the Abbot of Lilleshull holds IIII hides in Preston-Gubald, and it pertains to St. Alkmund's Church, and is of the Fee of the King".
[2] In 1279 the Pimhill Tenure-Roll says that "the Abbot of Lilleshill holds the vill of Preston with its members of the King in capite, and it is geldable and pertains to the Church of St. Alkmund, Salop".

[1] Domesday, fo. 253, a, 1.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


Preston Gobald is coupled with Rosshall, and said to be held by Thomas de Roshall, in the Nomina Villarum of 1316. I cannot explain this, but have no evidence to prove that Thomas de Roshall did not hold it under the Abbot.

The Valor of 1535 evidently includes the Lilleshull receipts from Preston Gubbalds in the 26, said to arise from the Vill of Salop. The Ministers' Accounts (after tbe Dissolution) are more distinctive. 16. 13s. 4d. was the ferm of the vill of Preston Gobalds, while the Salop rents were under 7. [1]

PRESTON GUBBALDS CHURCH, however ancient, was probably never reputed more than a mere dependency of St. Alkmund's till after the Dissolution. The Incumbents, or rather Ministers, of such Chapels have of course no place in Diocesan Registers. Church Valuations are equally silent as to their emoluments.


I have spoken of the Shropshire Lees under localities and with interests too numerous to recapitulate. The chief branches of one family are traceable to a common birthplace and origin.-

REINER DE LEE, who purchased Alderton in or about the year 1196, and who served as Deputy Sheriff of Shropshire in 1201, was previously Tenant-in-fee of the Abbot of Lilleshull in that member of Preston Gubbalds which gave him his name. From him the place was anciently called Reyner's-Lee;- as in an old Rent, Roll of Lilleshull Abbey, where 2s. 2d. is put down as the ferm of Lee Reineri, due at Michaelmas, and 2s. as the ferm of the same, due at Midlent. [2] The Lilleshall Chartulary further supplies the following statement, apparently an extract taken from some Inquest of the time of Reiner de Lee.- "The Jurors say that Reginald de Lee holds the vill of Lee of the Abbot of Lilleshull, and it pertains to the vill of Preston Gobalt, and he pays to the Abbot 4s. 4d. for all (services). The same Reginald holds one carucate in demesne, which is worth 20s. per annum. Item, Roger de Lee holds half a virgate in the same, in villeinage, of the demesne of Reginald; and it is worth in rents and other manorial services (operibus) 5s. per annum". [2]

We have seen that about 1220-60 Sir Thomas de Lee (son of the above Reyner) gave to Reyner, his younger son, the whole vill of La Lee subtus Pebenhul. [3] The next allusion to this estate is in 50 Edward III. (1376-7), when William de La Lee gives to Roger,

[1] Monasticon, VI. 265.
[2] Chartulary, fos. 93, 112.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 300.


[For engraving, see pdf.]


son of John de la Lee of Pemenhull, and to Johanna his wife, all the lands and tenements which he had in the vill of Lee juxta Preston. [1]

William de la Lee, thus mentioned, must be taken either as a Tenant surrendering, or a Trustee entailing; for Roger de la Lee, the Grantee, was Great-great-grandson and right heir of Reyner de Lee, the Feoffee of 1220-60. The joint settlement on Joanna, wife and afterwards widow of the said Roger, resulted at her death (Sept. 18, 1400), in an Inquest, finding that "she had died seized of a messuage and carucate of land in La Lee, which she had held of Robert Lee of Roden by service of one penny per annum". [2] I should explain that Robert de Lee of Roden, thus mentioned as Mesne-Lord of Lee, was descended from a son of Thomas de Lee, older than Reyner, the son and original Feoffee of the same Thomas. Hence probably the mediate right of Robert. However, as he had married Petronilla, daughter and heir of his distant kinsman (Roger), and of Joanna (Roger's wife) the two interests in Lea became reconsolidated in the persons of the said Robert and his descendants. [3]

CHERLTON. I have already set forth an Inquest (circa 1200-20) which gives some idea of the value and extent of a certain member of Preston-Gubbalds called Cherloton. [4] An early Rent-Roll of Lilleshull Abbey describes the same estate by a name which I cannot account for, but which was evidently used to distinguish it from Cherlton near Shawbury.- The Abbey was in receipt of 2s. at Michaelmas, and 1s. at Midlent, from the land of St. Elstrud of Chorleton, or the land of Chorleton Sanctae Elstrud'.


GERARD DE TORNAI held two Manors in Baschurch Hundred. Domesday describes Besford as follows.- Isdem Gerardus tenet Betford, et Robertus de eo. Oschetel et Dodo tenuerunt pro II Maneriis, et liberi homines fuerunt. Ibi III hidae geldabiles. Terra est III carrucis. In dominio est una, et III servi et III Villani, et II

[1] Harl. MS. 1396, fo. 253.
[2] Inquis. 2 Hen. IV., No. 35.
[3] Vide supra, Vol. IX. pp. 294, 295.
[4] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 219, note.


viduae feminae cum I carruca. T.R.E. valebat VII solidos, et post V solidos: modo XX solidos. [1]

Robert, the Domesday Tenant of Besford, may have been ancestor of the later Lords of Shawbury; though he had no Domesday interest in Shawbury. Nigel de Shawbury and his son Robert, both living in the reign of Henry I., were successive Lords, not only of Shawbury but of Besford, and of that part of Preston Brockhurst which we shall see to have been always associated with Besford. Consequently we find Shawbury, Besford, and this part of Preston, often combined as one Manor. The three last Lords of Shawbury of this line were Wido de Shawbury (murdered in 1200-1) and his brothers, Nigel and Richer. We can prove their connection with Besford in particular, by their grants to Haughmond Abbey.- "Wido de Saubery gave to the said Abbey, in support of the Conventual Infirmary, his Mill of Besford, with the Vivary thereof, reserving to himself and his heirs a certain precedence as to grinding their corn, and of grinding it toll-free". Nigel and Richer, brothers of the said Wido, confirmed his grant in separate Charters. When King John, on the forfeiture of Richer de Shawbury, granted Shawbury to Thomas de Erdinton, Besford and part of Preston passed as mere appurtenances. We have more than one proof of this; for instance, Thomas de Erdinton's widow, in 1227, released her dower not only in Shawbury but in Besseford; [2] also Besford and Preston were more or less involved in that great suit of "Erdinton versus Audley", which I have detailed at length under Shawbury, and which lasted from 1236 to 1239. We shall have further proof in the sequel that Erdinton, as Lord of Shawbury, continued also to have the Seigneury over Besford and part of Preston till a much later period. But I must now speak more exclusively of Besford and of the family which came to hold it in fee under the Lords of Shawbury.-

WILLIAM GRIFFYN, towards the close of the 12th, or the beginning of the 13th, century, attests Ada de Beauchamp's Charter to Stone Priory, a Charter to which I have already made incidental reference. [3] Late in the year 1200 William Grifin gave King John 30 merks and a Palfrey "that he might hold the Serjeantry of the Staffordshire Hundred of Pirehill in fee"; [4] that is, he fined for the Bailiwick of the said Hundred, to be held hereditarily, and as a Serjeantry, under the Crown. William Griffin had, I think, two

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 1.
[2] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 139.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 374, note 1.
[4] Oblata, page 81.


sons, Geoffrey, a Clerk, and Bertram. The two presumed brothers will be found attesting Henry de Audley's Foundation-Charter of Hilton Abbey in 1223. [1] It is farther apparent of-

BERTRAM GRIFFIN, that Henry de Audley enfeoffed him in Besford. This must have been between the years 1218 and 1236, that is, during the period while Audley (as was afterwards proved) held Shawbury and its appurtenances wrongfully. Hence it was that, when in 1236 Giles de Erdinton sued Henry de Audley for Shawbury, he also sued Bertram Griffin for 10 virgates thereof; and hence it was that the said Bertram instantly called Henry de Audley to warranty, and left him sole Defendant in the cause.

Of the two brothers, Bertram and Geoffrey, I suppose Bertram to have been the eldest. He seems to have succeeded to his paternal inheritance, viz. the Bailiwick of Pirehill Hundred, in 1228. A Patent of September 5, in that year, certifies the men of that Hundred that the King had received Bertram Griffin's homage for the same. When, in the year 1289, the suit of "Audley versus Erdinton" ended in Audley's total discomfiture, and ejectment from Shawbury, it appears that his loss involved his Feoffee. Bertram Griffin continued no longer to hold Besford under Giles de Erdinton, the restored Lord of Shawbury. But, at the close of the above Trial, an incident occurred which requires explanation. Bertram Griffin came forward and stated that, in respect of one virgate of land, and the abutment of a stank, he was independent of either party to the current litigation. [2] This meant, I think, that he had not acquired the said virgate by feoffment of Audley, but in some other way.- Now there was a virgate of land in Besford which some early Lord of Shawbury had given to Haughmond Abbey. We have no Charter conveying the gift, but we have a Charter showing the Abbot to have been in possession of the said virgate, and to have given it to Geoffrey (not Bertram) Griffin, about the year 1235. [3] This affair, which was really part of an exchange, has been already described. Suffice it to observe that "Geoffrey Griffin, Clerk, and Bertram his brother" appear from their joint attestation of a Deed, incidental to the transaction, to have acted in concert. Thus far we have Charters to guide us. The next step is matter of assumption. I conceive that Geoffrey Griffin, the wealthy Rector of Edgmond, had made this purchase in Besford with a view to consolidate his brother's estate there, that he forthwith consigned the said virgate to his said brother, and that the position which

[1] Monasticon, V. p. 716.
[2] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 142.
[3] Supra, Vol. IV. p. 34.


Bertram took up in 1289 was equivalent to a declaration that he held this virgate neither under Audley nor Erdington, but by feoffment of the Abbot of Haughmond.

We have seen that Geoffrey Griffin is said to have died in 1253. [1] On May 24, 1254, the King's Writ of Diem clausit announces the death of Bertram Griffin,- his brother. There were two Inquests on the occasion. One describes his Tenure of Pirehill Hundred and of the Manor of Cleyton, in Staffordshire, and says that Bertram had died seized of 16s. rent in Besford and Preston (meaning Preston Brockhurst), which rent he had held under Haghmon Abbey. This Inquest puts the age of Geoffrey, son and heir of the deceased, at 12 years on November 11, 1253. The other Inquest states the said Geoffrey to be 10 years of age, and makes the tenure of the deceased under Haghmon Abbey to be half a virgate in Besford and Preston. [2]

On October 10, 1254, Philip Lovel, the King's Treasurer, fined 100 merks for custody of the land and heir of Bertram Griffin. [3]

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 is remarkably clear and accurate about Besford.- "Egidius de Erdinton holds 2 hides there". This was of the King's Fee, and an appurtenance of Shawbury, and was covered by the service of one knight, which Egidius owed in wartime for his collective tenures in Shropshire. Besford did no suit to county or Hundred, but paid 2s. for stretward and motfee (i.e. the sum proportionate to a Manor of 3 hides). Again;- "in the same fee the heirs of Bertram Griffin hold one virgate (i.e. the remaining fourth of the third hide), and this was frank almoign of Haumon Abbey". [4] I find no evidence of Geoffrey Griffin (II) retaining this small part of Besford. His mother Albreda was still living at his death in 1283, and holding a third of Clayton and of Pirehill Hundred in dower. His wife also survived him and was entitled to dower in his estates. He died seized of considerable property in Cheshire and Staffordshire, and, inter alia, of two-thirds of the Serjeantry of Pirehill Hundred. Geoffrey Griffin (III), his son and heir, attained the age of 21 years on June 24, 1284: [5]- but of this family, as no longer connected with Shropshire, I need not give any further particulars.

To return to the main subject:- Henry de Erdinton gave all he had in Besford to Roger Pryde, a rich Burgess of Shrewsbury, to

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 128.
[2] Inquis. 38 Hen. III., No. 36.
[3] Rot. Finium (Excerpta), II. 195.
[4] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[5] Inquis. 11 Edw. I., No. 15. The statement as to the heir's age is prospective.


hold in fee. Hence the Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 gives the following confused but quite explicable account, which I transcribe from the original, in order to make its errors apparent.- "Besford. Rogerus de Pryde tenet Preston de Johanne de Chetwynd in capite Henrico de Erdynton in capite. Predictus Henricus tenet dictam villam de Domino Rege in capite et est membrum de Schawbere et infra libertatem".-

The words which I have underlined are erroneous, those which I have printed in Italics are marked as erroneous in the original by a few transverse strokes of the Writer's pen. The errors arose from the Writer confusing Besford with part of Preston Brockhurst. Take Besford alone and the corrected passage describes it accurately.

After Henry de Erdinton's death in 1282, the Seigneury of Besford formed part of the dower of his widow Matilda. The Tenure-Rolls of 1284-5 say, one of them, that "Besford is a member of Schaurbur' and is held of the King in capite, rendering to the King 7d. per annum". The other Roll states more fully, and, I conceive, more accurately, that "Roger Pryde, a Burgess of Salop, holds Besford, a member of Schawbere, in Pymhull Hundred, under Matilda de Erdinton".

It will have been very shortly after this that.-

ROBERT CORBET OF MORETON purchased the whole Manor of Besford, and 2 merks annual rent in Shawbury, from the above Roger Pride, who, of course by Corbet's desire, conveyed the whole to Corbet and his wife Matilda, conjointly. Robert Corbet, not content with being Tenant in fee-tail of Besford, resolved to get rid of all mediate rights there, whether Erdinton's or Pryde's. What parties he had to deal with, or how he dealt with subordinates, I cannot tell; but he so negotiated with the Crown as that he became Tenant-in-capite of Besford, holding it by service of one-fourth part of a knight's-fee. This was not, however, without some previous trouble.- At the Assizes of October 1292, the Pimhill Jurors presented that "Henry de Erdinton, having been Tenant-in-capite of the vill of Basseford, had sold it to Roger Pryde, to hold under himself"; and that "Robert Corbet now held the vill". Robert Corbet, being summoned before the Court, petitioned that he might be allowed to hold the vill in capite sine medio; and he gave half a merk that he might have respite in regard of doing homage, till the next Parliament. His homage seems to have been accepted by Edward I. before the end of the year. However,


on January 9, 1293, a Writ of Quo Waranto was issued against him, for holding Placita Coronae and wayf in his Manor of Beseford. He appeared before the Justices (then in Staffordshire), denied claiming wayf, but insisted on his right to determine, in his two great Courts of the Manor, all such pleas as a Sheriff could ordinarily adjudicate upon in his Tourns. He said that he had the Manor, inclusive of this Franchise, by gift and feoffment of Roger Pryde, whose heir, Richard Pryde, he now called to warranty. The case was adjourned to be heard coram Rege on the morrow of the Ascension. [1] On a still later day (June 25) Corbet failed to appear; so the franchise in question was seized by the Crown. [2]

The Inquest on Robert Corbet's death details the fact of his purchase of Besford, and the conjoint feoffment of his widow Matilda. [3] Hence the Inquest on Matilda's death, in 1309, says that she was seized of the Vill of Besford, which she held of the King in capite, by service of a fourth part of a knight's-fee. [4]

PAROCHIALLY Besford is in the Parish of Shawbury. A Chapel which tradition declares to have sometime existed at Besford was of course a mere dependency of Shawbury.

Preston Brockhurst.

THIS was a divided Manor at Domesday. The part which Gerard de Tornai had, was that which we have seen subsequently connected with Besford and Shawbury. It may still be distinguished from the other part, as being in the Parish of Shawbury and in the Hundred of Bradford North. Domesday describes it as follows:- Isdem Gerardus tenet Prestone et Robertus de eo. Bertunt tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi I virgata terra. Terra est dimidiae carrucae. Wasta full et est. [5]

In the great trial of Erdinton versus Audley (1286-9) Roger de Harpcote, as Tenant of 7s. rent in Preston, declined to be involved with either Litigant. [6] We conclude that he or his Ancestors had

[1] Quo Waranto, p. 716, b.
[2] Coram Rege, 21 Edw. I., m. 35 dorso.
[3] Inquis. 29 Edw. I., No. 45.
[4] Inquis. 2 Edw. II., No. 34.
[5] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 1.
[6] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 142.


been enfeoffed, before the Seigneury over Shawbury and its members came to Erdinton or to Audley, and we suppose his feoffment to have been in Preston Brockhurst. In the Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255, this part of Preston Toret (as it was then called) stands as one-third of a hide;- something more than its Domesday measurement. It is distinguished as of the "Fee of Egidius de Erdinton"; that is, it was a member of Shawbury. "Roger de Preston held it under the heirs of Bertram Griffin, and it shared the franchises of Egidius de Erdinton, the Jurors knew not by what title". [1] It is obvious that Bertram Griffin had held this estate under Erdinton, and that he had acquired it, or rather the 7s. rent which it implied, from Roger de Harpcote. Roger de Preston, the tenant-in-fee and occupant, had probably continued undisturbed during all the changes which had befallen his Seigneurs. He figures on the Pimhill Jury-lists of 1255, 1256, 1272, and 1274, and also as a witness and Juror in more local affairs. The same, or another, Roger de Preston occurs about 1281, and in 1291 and 1293, under circumstances which connect him with this tenure and neighbourhood.

Meantime it is clear that Robert Corbet had acquired the mesne lordship of this part of Preston, either directly from the heir of Griffin, or, as parcel of Besford, from Roger Pryde. In fact, I rather suppose, from Preston being confused with Besford in the Tenure-Roll of 1279, that this part of Preston had been previously acquired by Pryde from the heir of Griffin. When once Robert Corbet became its Mesne-Lord we lose all notice of it as a distinct Manor, for he was Lord also of Besford and of the other part of Preston Brockhurst. Under one or other of those Manors we are therefore to suppose that the few acres now under notice were henceforth included. I am able indeed to give an instance where the very estate in question is described as "in Besford". In 1290, or before, Roger de Preston had enfeoffed his son Bartholomew in 2 messuages, one virgate, and 8 acres of meadow, all said to be in "Besseford". Bartholomew had been outlawed for felony. The usual rule was that the King should have any Outlaw's estate for a year and a day, and that then it should revert to the Outlaw's Feoffor. In the present instance the Coroners (Sir John fitz Aer and Robert de Say) made the King's year and day over to Robert Corbet, on condition of his rendering account of the profits. An Inquest taken pursuant to a Writ of Nov. 28, 1291, found Robert

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


Corbet thus seized of, and thus accountable for, the outlaw's estate. [1] As to Roger de Preston (the Outlaw's Feoffor and father), the Inquest notices him as living, but says nothing of the reversionary right which I presume he had, or would have, on the expiration of the year and day. Very probably he surrendered it to Corbet, who was already his Seigneur; but of so trivial a circumstance we are not likely to be informed.

I now turn to the other and greater part of Preston Brockhurst, that which remains in Pimhill Hundred, and which was part of the Domesday Fief of Turold de Verley. The Record describes it thus:- Isdem Turoldus tenet Preston et Hunnit de eo. Ipse Hunni et Uluiet tenuerunt pro II maneriis et geldabant et liberi fuerunt. Terra est II carrucis. In dominio est una (carruca) et II servi et III Villani. Valebat, et valet modo XIII solidos. [2] An observation, often made already, and varied by very few exceptions, tells us to search for any Manor of Turold, among the Manors which were subsequently held by De Chetwynd under Fitz Alan; and to search for anything, held by Hunnit, the Saxon, at Domesday, among the Manors which were afterwards held by the descendants of his countryman, Toret. This Rule held good with Preston, which at one time was called Preston-Toret from this very circumstance. I will speak fully of the Torets under Moreton, as well as say more than I have hitherto done of their Shropshire heirs,- the Corbets of Moreton and Wattlesborough. Meanwhile the following notes refer exclusively to their estate at Preston.-

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "Robert Corbet holds 1 geldable hides in Preston Toret, and it is of the fee of John de Chetewinde, and held, together with other lands in Shropshire, by doing the service of half a knight's-fee for 40 days at Oswestry. The estate pays 6d. for motfee and streteward" (6d. on each account, I presume). [3] The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says as follows:- Robertus de Preston tenet Preston de Johanne de Chetwynd in capite, per servicium unius montaris per XL dies ad Album Monasterium tempore guerrae. Here we must understand Robert Corbet by Robert de Preston, for I cannot find any mention of a Robert de Preston likely to have been Corbet's Undertenant here. The service of one Montar for 40 days is equal to that of half a knight's-fee for the same period, and must be taken to have covered Robert Corbet's liabilities both for Preston and Moreton. The Bradford Tenure-Roll of 1284 well explains this, saying that "Robert Corbet holds Moreton with

[1] Inquis. 20 Edw. I., No. 68.
[2] Domesday, fo.. 258, a, 1.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


its members, to wit, Preston, in Pimhill Hundred, and Evelyth, in Brimstree Hundred, under Reginald de Chetwynd, who holds under the King in capite, for half a knight's-fee".

The Inquest taken in 1301, on the death of Robert Corbet, values Preston as a member of Morton; but this is all I can extract from a very defaced document. It is sufficient to state that Preston Brockhurst has remained for ages in a similar connection.

PAROCHIALLY, Preston Brockhurst was in the Parish of Shawbury. A part of it is now in Moreton Corbet Parish, but Moreton Corbet itself was originally and ecclesiastically only a member of Shawbury.

Moreton Toret, now Moreton Corbet.

Domesday surveys this Manor as one of Turold de Verley's, and in the following words:-

Ipse Turoldus tenet Mortone et Hunnit de eo, cum fratre suo. Ipsi tenuerunt (tempore Regis Edwardi) et liberi homines fuerunt. Ibi I hida geldabilis. Terra est II carrucis. Ibi sunt (II carrucae) cum V servis et uno bordario. Valebat X solidos. Modo (valet) XVI solidos.

Whatever were the misfortunes of Hunnit and his brother Ulniet, it is certain that the descendants of their contemporary and compatriot, Toret, succeeded to some of their estates, and it is also certain that a lineal descendant of the said Toret is at this day Lord of Moreton Corbet. These are terms in which very few Shropshire estates can be spoken of. It is therefore becoming to trace so ancient an inheritance with the greatest attention through the earlier and darker period of its vicissitudes.

OF TORET HIMSELF, I have spoken elsewhere, [2] showing that he was a Shropshire Landowner not only in the reigns of Edward the Confessor and William I., but was surviving in the reign of Henry I., and was then holding, not his Saxon or Domesday estates, but certain Manors under Robert fitz Turold, which Manors had previously been Hunnit's, or Uluiet's.

[1] Doomsday, fo. 258, a, 1.
[2] Supra, Vol. II. pp. 48-49, 305, 308; Vol. IV. p. 280; Vol. VI. pp. 33, 140; Vol. VII. pp. 309, 340, 373.

182-183 CORBET OF WATTLESBOROUGH AND MORETON-CORBET. (As descended from Toret and Haget.)

[For pedigree, see pdf.]


PETER FITZ TORET, who appears first in 1160, was more probably the Grandson, or Great Grandson, than the son, of Toret. In that year a donum of 46. 4s. 4d. was assessed on the greater Proprietors of Shropshire. Peter fitz Tured's proportion was a considerable one, viz. 7s. 3d., but it was excused by a Writ of King Henry II. [1]

In 1167 the Demesne-lands of Peter fitz Torette paid an amercement of 6s. 8d., set upon them by Alan de Nevill (then Justice of the Forest). [2] Under Lawley we have noticed Peter fitz Thoret, as occurring in 1180. [3] He attests Deeds of William fitz Alan (II), of Madoc, son of Gervase Goch, and very many of Walter de Dunstanville (I). In these attestations, none of which can be accounted later than 1194, he is often followed by his sons, Philip and Bartholomew, one or both of them, and incidentally by a third son, Walter. [4] It is further probable that Gerard fitz Toret, of Evelith, was a fourth son of Peter fitz Toret.

I suppose that Philip, the eldest of the above sons, died without issue, and in his father's lifetime. At all events it was the second son,-

BARTHOLOMEW FITZ TORET, who continued the line. Of him I have said something already, [5] but must now add, first that which connects him more especially with Moreton-Toret, and afterwards that which shows him to have been interested in other and very distant counties.-

His attestation of a Charter which passed in or about the year 1196 is remarkable. He is called Bartholomew de Morton, and his name is followed by that of Richard Corbet, who, after many doubts on the subject, I hesitate not to say was already his son-in-law.

In the year 1214 I find Morton assessed 40s. to a King's Tallage. It is not certain that Morton-Toret was meant, but, if it was, there can be no doubt that the impost arose in the contemporary confiscation of Bartholomew de Morton's estates. A letter from the Sheriff of Shropshire, written to King John soon after Easter 1215, expressly names Bartholomew Turet as one of the only seven Salopians who had been, and still continued to be, adverse to the King in the existing civil war. On February 25, 1216, King John orders William Earl of Pembroke to give Bartholomew Turet's land and Castle of Morton to Engeram de Pratellis, to hold during the King's

[1] [2] Rot. Pip. VI., 13 Hen. II. Salop. In the last instance the name was originally written Peter de Torette, but the word de was cancelled and fil. substituted in a coeval hand.
[3] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 100.
[4] Supra, Vol. II., passim.
[5] Supra, Vol. II. p. 306.


pleasure. [1] A Writ of King Henry III., dated November 4, 1217, certifies that Bartholomew Turet had returned to the fealty and service of the Crown. Copies of this Writ were addressed to the Sheriffs of five Counties, viz. Shropshire, Cornwall, Oxfordshire, Leicestershire, and Yorkshire. [2]

Bartholomew de Moreton appears in his undoubted rank as a Shropshire Knight in 1229. He was deceased in 1285, and was succeeded, in Shropshire at least, by his Grandson, Richard Corbet (III), son and heir of Richard Corbet (II), by Joan, daughter and coheir of the above Bartholomew.

I must now pass to a distant County, to show how some at least of Bartholomew Toret's scattered possessions had accrued.-

BERTRAM HAGET, of Helagh (Yorkshire), lived in the reign of Stephen.- With Faricius, his brother, he attests the Foundation Charter of Sallay Abbey;- a House which had its beginning in 1147, under the auspices of William de Percy. [3] About the same time Bertram Haget gave a hermitage and some land in the wood of Helaghe to Gilbert, a monk of the French House of Marmontier. The object was of course to found a Monastery. Among the Witnesses of the grant were Pharice Haget and others of the Grantor's family. [4]

GEOFFREY HAGET confirmed his father's grant, in a Charter which, from the names of its witnesses, I know to have passed between the years 1161 and 1184. The Church of St. John de Parco (afterwards known as Helagh Park) was, at the date of this Charter, in existence, and Gilbert (the above-named Monk of Marmontier) was at its head. The Deed is attested by Ralph Haget, Geoffrey's brother. [5] Neither Geoffrey Haget nor his brother, Ralph, left any issue. Geoffrey's heirs were his four sisters, Lucia, Alice, Gundred, and one unnamed, but who married Alan fitz Brian (of Bedale). Gundred Haget died without issue, so that her share of her brother's estates, consisting of lands at Baynton, was divisible among her three sisters. Lucia Haget in the original partition had Wighall and Esdike. This Lucia was the wife of Peter fitz Toret and the mother of his son Bartholomew. [6] It is clear that the son took his name from his maternal grandfather, Bertram Haget. Alice Haget, apparently the third sister of Geoffrey, had Helagh, and married John de Friston. Her only daughter and heir, Alice, married

[1] Rot. Patent. p. 166.
[2] Rot. Class. I. 373.
[3] Monasticon, Vol. V. 512. II.
[4] [5] Monasticon, Vol. VI. p. 488, Numbers. I. II. Ralph Haget was apparently a Monk. He became Abbot of Fountains in 1190, and was deceased in 1203.
[6] Monasticon, VI. p. 438, Num. IV.


Jordan de St. Mary; and a Charter, which the said Jordan and Alice expedited jointly to Helagh-Park Priory, has the attestation of Bartholomew Thuret. [1] This Charter undoubtedly passed in or about the year 1219. We now return to-

BARTHOLOMEW TORET, as our principal subject. If he had succeeded his father before 1196 it is indirectly evident that he had succeeded his mother before 1205. In that year he fined no less a sum than 20 merks in composition of King John's sixth scutage. The debt was assessed and paid in Shropshire in that and the following year; but Bartholomew Toret had no Tenancy in Shropshire which could have subjected him to such a liability. I must conclude that it was his mother's inheritance which made him thus important.

There are three Counties besides Shropshire and Yorkshire [2] in which I have endeavoured to trace the origin and destination of Bartholomew Toret's interests. I have had very partial success. His estate in Leicestershire, from whomsoever derived, was probably that estate at Houghton which we find afterwards in Corbet of Moreton. [3] What he had in Oxfordshire I cannot discover. In Cornwall he held one of those lesser Fees which were technically known as "Fees of Moretain". The only allusion to this tenure, which I can find, places it in Streton. It was assessed in the year 1235 to the Aid on marriage of the King's sister, and the Roll clearly shows that Bartholomew Toret was deceased at the time, for the estate is described as "unum feodum minutum quod fuit Bartholomei Toret in Streton". [4] It was perhaps his feudal connection with Danstanvill which introduced Bartholomew Toret to this distant county. I must now correct some former mistakes, [5] and state that it was-

RICHARD CORBET (II) of Wattlesborough, who married Joan, daughter, and, in her issue, coheir of Bartholomew Toret. The said Richard is he who occurs from 1195 to 1217, and he was probably son of the Richard Corbet of 1180. He seems to have died before

[1] Monasticon, VI. 439, Num. V.
[2] Bertram Thoret bad a sister, Lucia, who appears to have shared largely in his Yorkshire estates (MS. Cotton. Vespas. A. IV. fos. 19, 20, 21, 29). She was deceased in 1264, and was then represented by her son and heir, Ranulf de Albo Monasterio. In 1284 Reginald de Albo Monasterio was head of this family.
[3] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 103, note 14.
[4] Testa de Nevill, p. 201. On page 187 of the same Record Bertram fitz Thorold is entered as holding a knight's-fee in Stranton (apparently in Devonshire). Stranton can hardly be identical with Streton (in the text); but the entry concerning Stranton is very inconclusive, both as to the County and tbe Fief which purport to be under notice.
[5] Vol. II. p. 307; Vol. VII. p. 102.


his father-in-law, Bartholomew Toret, and it was probably his son and Bartholomew's grandson who, as "Richard, son of Richard Corbet", granted to Buildwas between 1217 and 1225. [1] In fact, we have had good proof that the wife of-

RICHARD CORBET (III), and the mother of Robert Corbet, was not a Toret, but a Lady named Petronilla, who is said to have brought with her estates at Booley and Edgbolton. [2]

Of ROBERT CORBET, I have some further particulars not as yet given. On March 1, 1254, Giles de Erdinton sues him for disseizin, viz. for depriving the said Giles of common pasture in Morton and Preston. A second Writ on the same business issued on July 30, 1255. Giles de Erdinton was Lord of Shawbury, Besford, and part of Preston Brockhurst.

At the Inquest of Bradford Hundred, taken in 1255, Robert Corbet appears as Lord of Morton. It contained one geldable hide (the Domesday estimate). It consisted of half a knight's-fee (including Preston, I think) of the Fief of John de Chetewynd. It paid 4d. yearly for stretward, but nothing apparently for motfee, and it did suit every three weeks to the Lesser Hundred-Court. [3]

At the Assizes of January 1256 Robert Corbet officiated as a Juror for Bradford Hundred. His suit with Giles de Erdinton was tried. Giles claimed the right of common, above alluded to, in respect of his tenure at Besford. It was a right throughout 40 acres of moorland in Morton and Preston. Corbet maintained that Giles and his ancestors had had no such right, except on payment of certain acknowledgments in the shape of corn and poultry; [4] but Erdinton asserted a free right, [5] and Corbet was convicted of the disseizin.

Robert Corbet's tenure of Morton cum membris, as exhibited in the Bradford Tenure-Rolls of 1284-5, has been quoted under Preston Brockhurst. [6]

Robert Corbet has not yet been noticed as Sheriff of Shropshire. He served that office for the quarter ending Michaelmas 1288 and for the year ending Michaelmas 1289. On the Assize Roll of 1292 he is mentioned as one of those Sheriffs who had served since 1272, and were still living. On this Assize-Roll Moreton Corbet is at length described by that name. Robert Corbet's exercise of Free-Warren there, was presented by the Bradford Jurors, as was his like privilege in Preston Toret, presented by the Pimhill Jurors. His

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 102, 103.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 324, 325.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 55.
[4] "Nisi pro arruris et gallinis dandis".
[5] "Sine aliquo dando".
[6] Supra, page 127.


defence about Preston was exactly that which we have seen him offer about Evelith, viz. that it was a member of Moreton Corbet, and so included in the King's Charter. [1] This defence held good for Preston, but not for distant Evelith.

A Patent of December 4, 1295, appoints Sir Robert Corbet and Master Adam Gest, [2] Clerk, to be Assessors and Collectors of the eleventh and seventh in the County of Salop. The Inquest on Robert Corbet's death sat at Moreton on Sunday, January 15, 1301. The passage about Moreton itself is sadly defaced. It was, with its members, held by knight's-service under John de Chetwynd. John de Wrothe, who had held some parcel of the Manor under Robert Corbet, had enfeoffed the said Robert and his wife Matilda, conjointly, in the said parcel. [3] I do not find that Matilda retained the same till her decease. I pass over Thomas Corbet, [4] son and heir of Robert, to-

ROBERT CORBET (II), son and heir of Thomas. He was born Dec. 25, 1304, and was consequently under 12 years of age when the Nomina Villarum of 1316 marks him as Lord of the Vill of Moreton Corbet. In 1326 he was still without the degree of knight-hood. His public life was nearly coextensive with the long reign of the third Edward, for he died on Dec. 3, 1375. Pursuant to a Writ of Nov. 26, 1355, an Inquest reported that Robert Corbet's wish to have view of frank-pledge in Moreton Corbet would only injure the Crown to the extent of about 8s. per annum, which was the average amount of amercements incurred at the Sheriff's two Tourns by Corbet's men, for breaches of the assize of bread and beer, for bloodshed, homsoken, and forestall. [5]

This Robert Corbet purchased Shawbury from Giles de Erdinton, but without that Royal License which was necessary to the transfer of a tenure in capite. On Oct. 30, 1359, he had petitioned the Crown to excuse this act, and to allow him to enfeoff Hugh, Vicar of Shawbury, and William, Parson of Upton, in the same, who, being seized, were to settle the Manor on Robert Corbet, Elizabeth his wife, and their heirs. The matter was referred to an Inquest ad quod damnum, which reported the Manor to be held by half a knight's-fee, and to be worth 6s. 8d. per annum, and not more, seeing that it had already, by Royal License, been dismembered of several tenants. [6]

[1] Vide supra, Vol. II. p. 308.
[2] Rector of Idsall (Vol. II. p. 336).
[3] Inquis. 39 Edw. I., No. 45.
[4] Supra, Vol. VII., p. 107.
[5] Inquis. 29 Edw. III., 2nd Nos., No. 19.
[6] Inquis. 38 Edw. III., 2nd Nos., No. 42.


On April 16, 1363, a Fine was levied, whereby Hugh le Yonge, Clerk, Thomas de Lee, and Hugh Parrok, Vicar of Shawbury (Trustees), settle the Manor of Moreton Corbet on Sir Robert Corbet and Elizabeth, his wife, for their lives, with remainder to their son, Fulk, and the male heirs of his body, with remainder to Roger, Fulk's brother, and the heirs of his body, with ultimate remainder to the right heirs of Robert Corbet.

An Inquest, held on May 25, 1369, found Shawbury to be held in capite for a sixth of a knight's-fee, and to be worth 100s. per annum, and that it would not damage the Crown if Robert Corbet, of Morton, and Elizabeth, his wife, were to convey the same to Thomas Gery, Vicar of Morton, and Thomas Lee, of Sondbache, who were to entail the same, as we shall presently see it was entailed. The Inquest found, moreover, that Moreton Toret and Boleye would remain to Robert Corbet, and that Moreton was held of John de Chetewynd's heir by knight's-service, and was worth 10 per annum, and that Boleye was held in socage of the Abbot of Salop, and was worth 40s. per annum. [1]

In October 1371 a Fine was levied, whereby Thomas Gery, Vicar of Morton, and Thomas de Lee, of Southbache, settle Shawbury Manor on Sir Robert Corbet and Elizabeth, his wife, for the longest of their lives, with remainder to Fulk, their son, and his heirs male, with remainder to Roger, Fulk's brother, and his heirs male, with remainder to the right heirs of Sir Robert. This Fine was levied by Precept of the King.

But the Inquest on Robert Corbet's death (presently to be cited) will best show the extraordinary manner in which he settled his estates. I should premise that he had three sons, Thomas, Fulk, and Roger. All three are said to have been the sons of his wife Elizabeth, but indeed, were there not some proof of that fact, I should have supposed that Thomas (certainly the eldest son) was by a previous marriage. Thomas died long before his Father, leaving an only daughter, Elizabeth, born about 1357, and married, in or before 1375, to Sir John de Ipstones. It was evidently the object of Sir Robert and Elizabeth Corbet to disinherit this Elizabeth, Robert's granddaughter and right heir. The Inquest, ordered December 11, 1375, and taken January 9, 1376, gives the said Elizabeth as Robert Corbet's heir, but also gives a list of his estates and their entails, which shows to how little she can have succeeded. I give the substance of this list in as concise a form as its interest will permit.-

[1] Inquis. 43 Edw. III., 2nd Pt., 2nd Nos., No. 53.


SHAWBURY;- Manor;- held as in the Inquest of 1369, entailed as in the Fine of 1371.

BRAGYNTON;- Hamlet; [1]- settled by a similar Fine to the like uses;- held of the Earl of Stafford as Lord of Caus.

WATTLESBOROUGH, HEYE, AND BREDESHULL;- Manors;- settled to the like uses;- held of the Earl of Stafford.

HEMME; Manor;- settled to the like uses;- held of Adam de Peshale, as Lord of Idsall.

KYNWARTON;- 20s. rent;- settled to the like uses;- held of the Lord of Wattlesborough (i.e. of the deceased, himself).

STIRCHLEY;- 20s. rent and 3 dwts. of gold;- held of the Earl of Arundel;- settled to the same uses.

MORTON CORBET;- Manor;- held of Richard de Peshale, as Lord of Chetwynd;- no entail stated.

HARPCOTE;- held of Robert de Ferrers, as Lord of Wem, by service of 8s. rent,- no entail stated.

HABBERLEY;- held by knight's-service of Hugh Earl of Stafford, as Lord of Caus;- no entail stated.

ROWTON AND AMASTON;- held of Nicholas Burnel, by service of 9 rent;- no entail stated.

BLETCHLEY;- Manor;- held of the Lord of Stoke-upon-Tern, by service of 12s. rent;- settled on Robert Corbet (deceased) and Elizabeth, his wife, conjointly, with remainder, after death of the survivor, to Roger, son of Robert, and the heirs of his body, with remainder to Fulk, brother of Roger, and the heirs of his body, with ultimate remainder to the right heirs of Robert Corbet.

LAWLEY;- Manor;- held of Peter de Eyton by service of 5s. rent;- settled to the same uses.

SHREWSBURY;- 8 messuages, 20 acres of plough-land, and 6 acres of meadow, held in burgage;- settled to the same uses.

BESFORD;- Manor;- held in capite by knight's-service;- settled (by Fine with Master Richard de Longenolre, Parson of Nesse, and Thomas de Morton, Parson of Cardeston) on Robert Corbet (deceased) and Elizabeth his wife, conjointly, and for life of the survivor, with remainder to their joint heirs, and ultimate remainder to the right heirs of Robert Corbet.

SHAWBURY;- 3 messuages and 5 bovates;- held also in capite; settled to the same uses.

BAUSLEY;- Manor;- held of Fulk fitz Warin, of Whittington, by knight's-service;- settled to the same uses. [2]

[1] Vide supra, Vol. VII. pp. 106, 110.
[2] Inquis, 49 Edw. III., No. 30.


FULK CORBET, son of Robert and Elizabeth, died on August 4, 1382. An Inquest was ordered on August 10, and held on September 7 following. He died seized of nothing in-fee; nor had the entails recited in the last Inquest operated in his favour in any apparent case except that of the Manor of Shawbury. But entails, not recited in the last Inquest, had caused him to die seized of Moreton Corbet, Harpcote, Rowton, and Amaston; and these, it seems, were entailed on him and his heirs male, with remainder to his brother Roger and the heirs of Roger's body. As to Wattlesborough Manor, Heye Manor, Bredeshull Manor, Hemme Manor (and with it the vill of Hinnington), Kynnerton vill, Stirchley, and Habberley, these Fulk Corbet is now explained to have held, conjointly with Elizabeth, his surviving wife;- with remainder to the bodily heirs of himself and the said Elizabeth;- with remainder to Roger, Fulk's brother, and the heirs of his body, with remainder to the right heirs of Robert Corbet (Fulk's Father). This, though partly inconsistent with the details of the former Inquest, is most probably correct; for there can be no doubt that the Manors, etc., last named, descended to Elizabeth, Fulk's only child and heir, who was born about 1375, was aged "7 years and upwards" at her father's death, and who afterwards married John, Lord of Mowddy, and was ancestress, through the De Burghs, of the four Shropshire families of Newport, Leighton, Lingen, and Mytton.

I have spoken of Fulk Corbet, only in respect of estates settled on him by his Father. I forbear to enter on the intricate negotiations which he and his brother Roger had with Robert de Harley and his wife Joan concerning great estates to which the Brothers had no hereditary pretensions whatever. The subject, although carrying me far later than I wish to descend, must recur again under Wentnor. Suffice it here to say that the said Joan was a sister of Fulk and Roger Corbet, and that her husband, Robert de Harley, appears to have been a mere simpleton. [1]

It is obvious in respect of Moreton Corbet, that the entail, settled by the Fine of 1363, and recognized on Fulk Corbet's death, without issue male, must have conveyed that estate to his brother Roger and his lineal heirs. The lineal descendant and representative of the said Roger Corbet is at this day seized of Moreton Corbet.

I should say a word here about Elizabeth, granddaughter and

[1] He was surnamed fatuus. Almost every notice which we have of him amounts to an endeavour to settle his numerous estates in some abnormal manner.


right heir of Robert Corbet (II). She was still living when, on March 10, 1394, the King's Writ of Diem clausit announced the death of Sir John de Ipstones, her husband. Sir John died seized, in her right, of the Manor of Besford, and of 3 messuages and 8 bovates in Shawbury, all which were held in capite;- also of the Manor of Bausley, held under Fulk fitz Warin, then in minority. [1] This is much what we should have expected from the settlements, cited under the Inquest of January 1376. I think that subsequently all these estates were obtained from the heirs of Ipstones, by the heirs of one or other of the two brothers, Fulk or Roger Corbet.

In conclusion, I should say something about Shawbury Manor (as distinct from the 3 messuages and 3 bovates last mentioned). The remainders specified in the Fine of October 1371, brought it (on Fulk Corbet's death without issue male) to the heirs male of his brother Roger. Robert Corbet (III), son and heir of the said Roger, settled it on himself, his wife Margaret, and the heirs of their bodies, with remainder to his own right heirs. A Writ of February 6, 1439, announces the death of the said Margaret, then widow of Robert Corbet. An Inquest held at Bridgnorth on Nov. 12, 1439, found that the said Margaret had died seized in fee-tail of Shawbury Manor, and with remainder, as last specified. Roger Corbet (II), son and heir of the said Margaret and of Robert Corbet, was the heir therefore of Shawbury Manor, and was now 24 years of age and over. [2]


The earlier history of this Church, when it was called only a Chapel, and when its subjection to Shawbury Church was again and again the subject of Episcopal manifestoes, has been already given. [3] It is not quite clear that Moreton was one of those Chapels which, with cemeteries attached, were consecrated by Bishop Clinton (1130-1148); but it is clear that Moreton Church, with its Cemetery, existed in his time, that he recognized its subjection to Shawbury, and decreed that it should be assessed to Episcopal dues in the ratio of a Chapel.
[4] Bishop Peche, we have further seen, exempted Moreton Chapel altogether from Episcopal Dues, and though he described it as in the "fee of Peter fitz Toret", he maintained the supremacy of Shawbury Church, and therefore of the Canons of Haughmond, over the Chapel. Hence we find that the Abbot and

[1] Inquis. 17 Ric. II., No. 33.
[2] Inquis. 17 Hen. VI., No. 4.
[3] Supra, Vol. VIII. pp. 183,146-148.
[4] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 145.


[For engraving, see pdf.]


Convent of Haughmond had the Advowson of Moreton Corbet, and, what is more, that they were obliged to present Incumbents thereto. This reversal of their usual policy in respect of Chapelries may be attributed to the continued vigilance of the Manorial Lords. It often happened that though a Layman had founded and endowed a Chapelry, his Successors allowed themselves to be cajoled by Monastic Impropriators, and gave up both the services and the emoluments due to the Chapel.

In neither the Valor of 1291, nor the Inquisition of 1341, are the Chapel and Parish of Moreton Corbet treated as distinct from Shawbury. In the Valor of 1535, Henry Busshopp, Rector of Morton Corbet, stands with an annual income of 5. 6s. 8d., less 1s. 8d. for synodals, and 1s. 6d. for procuration. [1]


The Abbot and Convent of Haughmond uniformly presented the following Incumbents. It will be observed that the Chapelry is usually styled a Vicarage, though the change to a Rectory was earlier than Henry VIII.'s time.

HUGH DE PEPPELOWE, Deacon, instituted to this Vicarage October 20, 1300.

ROBERT DE EGLITON, Priest, instituted "in the Chantry or Vicarage of this Chapel", May 26, 1313. He resigned the "perpetual Chantry of this Chapel" on Sept. 21, 1322.

ADAM OSBARN, of Tenbury, Priest;- admitted Feb. 27, 1323; resigned this "Vicarage " March 5, 1343; when-

THOMAS DE MUDLE was admitted. He died July 29, 1349 (probably of the pestilence).

ROBERT DE MORETON CORBETT, admitted to the Chantry of this Chapel Nov. 22, 1349.

ROGER DE ASTON, Priest, admitted Dec. 4, 1361, resigned 1363.

THOMAS CROMP, Chaplain, admitted Dec. 22, 1363, resigned 1364.

SIR THOMAS GERY, Priest, admitted Oct. 7, 1364, occurs May 1, 1369. [2]

THOMAS DE HOPPELEY, Priest, resigned 1369-70.

JOHN POYTYN, Priest, admitted Feb. 19, 1370, resigned 1372.

RICHARD DE MORETON, Priest, admitted Dec. 22, 1372:- exchanged on Jan. 7, 1382 with-

[1] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. 185.
[2] He is mentioned as Vicar in a Fine of October, 1371, but that was a mere technical continuance of the style by which he was rightly described when the process of the Fine commenced (supra, p. 189).


THOMAS SILVERTON, late Vicar of Merston (Linc. Dioc.). Silverton resigned in 1382.

HENRY D'ADERLEY, Priest, admitted Nov. 23, 1382; exchanged on July 12, 1392, with-

SIR JOHN SMERT, late Vicar of Knokyn. Smert resigned Moreton Corbet in 1409.


THIS was one of the Manors which Norman Venator held at Domesday under the Earl of Shrewsbury.- Isdem Normannus tenet Colesmere. Aldiet tenuit. Ibi II hidae geldabiles. Terra est IIII carrucis et dimidiae. In dominio est una; et II Villani et II Bordarii cum dimidia carruca: et IIII hospites ibi reddunt XL denarios. T.R.E. valebat X solidos. Modo (valet) XXX solidos. Wastam invenit (Normanus). [1] The general rules, often adverted to in these pages, and most recently under Lee Brockhurst, [2] will again be relevant in the present instance. I repeat that Normannus Venator was probably ancestor of the Pichfords; that Engelard de Stretton was a Pichford, and obtained a great ascendency in the estates of the elder line; and that De Burgh was heir general to Engelard de Stretton. This will explain those several allusions to the Seigneuralty of Coolmere, which must needs be made, while speaking of the Tenancy.

I have adverted, under Harnage, to the singular fact that Hugh de Lacy (afterwards Lord of Ludlow and Ewyas) was in the year 1155 styled "of Colemere". [2] I suppose him to have been enfeoffed here, during the period of his adversity, by a Pichford or by Engelard de Stretton. And as Hugh de Lacy, when he became a great man, surrendered Harnage to his brother, Almaric, so I think did he surrender Coolmere to that William de Wootton whom we know to have been his Tenant at Wootton (near Stanton Lacy), and at Onibury, and at Walton. [4] Between the Manors of Coolmere and Broom there was a Mill, sometimes called the Mill of Coolmere, and sometimes the Mill of Broom. It was really in Broom, for

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 2.
[2] Supra, Vol. IX. pp. 361, 362.
[3] Supra, Vol. VI. pp. 73, 74.
[4] Supra, Vol. V. pp. 15, 56.


before the year 1172 Engelard de Stretton (as Lord of Broom) gave it to Haughmond Abbey. He also at the same time gave a hide in Broom; and this grant was attested by William de Wudetune (or Wootton), that is, by the very person who now, in succession to Hugh de Lacy, was, as I think, holding Coolmere under the said Engelard. It further appears that William de Wudeton's own Deed was necessary to secure the above Mill to the Abbey. He "concedes and gives the Mill of Brome, with half a virgate of land, and with a toft on which Thomas, son-in-law of William Grinelshull, dwelt. Witnesses,- Wido le Strange (deceased 1179), Hugh Pantulf, Engelard de Stretton". [1]

I suppose it was William de Wodeton (II), who at the Assizes of 1203 got damages of 1s. against Reyner de Le and Roger de Leg, for disseizing him of his tenement in Culemere. The Defendants were further amerced half a merk.

Of Robert de Wodeton, son and successor of the last William, I have spoken under Wootton and elsewhere; also of Robert's daughter and heir, Amicia, wife of Robert de Lacy. Between the years 1246 and 1253 "Robert de Lacy, Lord of Colemere, gave and confirmed to Haghmon Abbey the whole Vivary of Brome, with its appurtenances, lying between the land of Brome and the land of Colemere, with the stanks, both upper and lower, and their abutments on either side, and with the overflow (refullo) of the water, and power to raise the stank one foot higher. The Canons may, moreover, rebuild the Mill which they had possessed from ancient time, in any more convenient place between the present stank and the Grantor's Great Mere of Colemere, with fosses and watercourse from the said Mill down to the said Mere. The Grantor further allows rights of common to the Canons' men of Stokeyte (Stockett) and Newton, throughout his tenement of Colemere. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Rossall, Sir Vivian his son, and Sir Thomas de Lee". [1] King Henry III. included the above grants of Engelard de Stretton and Robert de Lacy in a Confirnaation of August 1, 1253. This brings us to the Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255, which, just as we should expect from analogy, declares that "Robert de Lacy holds II hides in Colemere, which is of the fee of Bertram de Burch (i.e. Burgh), by service of one-third of a knight's-fee in wartime. The Manor owed suit to County and Hundred; and paid 16d. for stretward and motfee". [2] The Jurors further represented that "for a whole year Robert de Lacy had withdrawn the said suits". He

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, Tit. Brome.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


does not seem to have done it wilfully, but by compulsion of the Bailiff's of Sir John de Grey of Ellesmere, who were injuring him with repeated distraints;- I suppose to compel him to do suit to Ellesmere Manor. "The King was damaged to the extent of 3s. by the withdrawal". This entry on the Hundred-Roll is connected with another document, which gives us not only the proximate date when there Inquests were taken, but the names of the two Justiciars who took them. On July 31, 1255, King Henry III., addressing Philip Lovel, his Treasurer, and Nicholas de Haudlou, informs them that "his faithful and beloved Robert de Lacy had complained of the Royal Bailiff at Ellesmere, for exacting from the said Robert other customs and services than he and his ancestors had been used to perform for their Manor of Culemere". The Justiciars are therefore ordered by the King, that "as soon as they reach those parts, for the purpose of taking the Inquisitions and Extents, atready enjoined upon them, they inquire fully into this matter, and, on their return to Court, acquaint the King with the result;- that the King may cause justice to be done to De Lacy".

The return to the above writ is necessarily much fuller than the brief sentence which appears in the Hundred-Roll; but unfortunately the slip of parchment containing the return has been cut in two, and one half is missing. The proceedings of the Justiciars are however partly apparent. They empanelled a Jury of 42 persons, viz. 12 freeholders from each of the Hundreds of Pimhill, Ford, and Condover, and six knights. The finding of this Jury, in relation to Robert de Lacy's obligation to do any suit at Ellesmere, appears to have been that he was not so bound, for that Colemere was held by knight's-service under Bertram de Burgh, who held of the fee of Albrithon (i.e. under De Pichford). Neither, it seems, was De Lacy customarily bound to victual certain persons;- probably the Castle-guards of Ellesmere. Also De Lacy's complaint, that "the King's Bailiff had seized his boat and his nets in the Mere of Culemere", seems to have been recognized as well founded. He was accustomed apparently to use such engines at all times of the year, and a great portion of his estate consisted of the said Mere. [1]

In the Civil wars of 1264-5 Robert de Lacy's loyalty did not pass unquestioned. He was subsequently involved in some difficulties, though he managed to escape forfeiture. He seems to have consigned Coolmere to Peter de Montfort, who in turn sold it to Hamo le Strange, one of the greatest Royalists of the period. The

[1] Forest Roll (at Westminster). Salop, No. 3, a.


transfer, whatever its nature, was final, though it was at first impugned by Robert de Lacy's widow. In Easter Term, 1271, "Amicia, widow of Robert de Lacy, receded from a Writ de ingressu which she had brought against Hamo le Strange concerning the Manor of Culemere, excepting a messuage and half-virgate". I suppose that Amicia, being herself heiress of Coolmere, had questioned the act of her late husband in alienating it, but had accepted some compromise of her claim. Within three years of this, Hamo le Strange died, having first enfeoffed his brother Roger in Ellesmere, Coolmere, and Welch Hampton. His right to do this as regarded Ellesmere was doubtful; and so Adam de Chetwynd, Escheator for Cheshire, seized all three Manors in manu Regis. On this Roger le Strange petitioned the King (Edward I.), alleging Henry III.'s grant of Ellesmere to Hamo le Strange, the subsequent purchase of Coolmere and Hampton by the said Hamo, and the ultimate feoffment of the Petitioner. The King, by a Writ dated March 3, 1274, directed due inquiry to be made. The Inquest, which followed, found that Henry III. had enfeoffed Hamo le Strange in both Ellesmere and (Church) Stretton till 100 librates of land could be provided elsewhere, that Hamo then purchased the fee of Coolmere and Henton of Sir Peter de Montfort, and enfeoffed his brother Roger in those two Manors as well as in Ellesmere; and that Roger had been in seizin of all three, till the Escheator ejected him. Lastly the Jurors said that Coolmere was of the fee of Bartholomew de Burgh, and Henton of the fee of John fitz Alan. [1]

On June 7, 1276, a Fine was levied at Westminster, whereby Roger le Strange (Deforciant) surrendered the Manors of Colmere and Hampton to King Edward I. (Plaintiff). The King, in turn, conceded those two Manors, as well as the Castle and Hundred of Ellesmere, to Roger le Strange, for life only, with remainder to the King and his heirs.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says that "Roger le Strange holds the Vill of Culmer under Bartholomew de Burgo by service of one-third of a knight's-fee in wartime".

I have traced elsewhere the further career of Roger le Strange. [2] In the Nomina Villarum of 1316, the Queen of England stands as Lady of the Vill of Culmere Hampton.

[1] Inquis. 1 Edw. I., No. 37.
[2] Supra, Vol. VIII. pp. 14, 15.


Estone ant Cheneltone.

THE Domesday notice of Norman Venator's Manor of Coolmere is immediately followed by these entries,- both falling under the marginal affix of Bascherch Hundred.-

Isdem Normannus tenet Estone et Fulcher de eo. Elnod tenuit. Ibi II hidae et dimidia geldabiles. Terra est VII carrucis. Wasta fuit. Modo est ad firmam pro XXXVI solidos. [1]

"Cheneltone est una hida quae T.R.E. fuit wasta, et est". [1]

Those analogies, which are usually the safest guides in identifying Domesday Manors, fail us altogether in the present instance. Pimhill Hundred (the usual representative of Bascherch Hundred) contains nothing which can be taken to tally in name with Estone and Cheneltone. The mention of Elnod, as Saxon Lord of Estone, is without any associations. The Pichfords, everywhere else the successors of Norman Venator, are not found with any such Manors as Estone and Cheneltone in aftertimes, whether we look to Pimhill Hundred or to any other part of Shropshire. As to Fulcher, the Domesday tenant of Estone, he may have been the same Fulcher as he who held Easthope and Eaton (Mascott) under Rainald Vicecomes; but this leads down to nothing, for that Fulcher does not appear to have had hereditary successors. [2] It is profitless to say more on such a question. We must dismiss Estone and Cheneltone as two localities which, in the early vicissitudes of Border history, were expunged from the map of Shropshire and from the memory of man.


THIS stands first of the Manors which Domesday assigns to Roger Venator.-

Rogerius Venator tenet, de Rogerio Comite, Slacheberie. Aluiet

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 2.
[2] Supra, Vol. IV. p. 117; Vol. VI. p. 102.


tenuit. Ibi I hida geldabilis. Valebat V solidos T.R.E. Modo wasta est. [1]

This Manor, though now lost, was distinctly recognized in the Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255, where it is named between Welch-Hampton and Stanwardine-in-the-Fields. It is described in the following terms.- "The Jurors say that William de Hochton holds one hide of land in Slacbbur', and it is of the fee of Thomas de Costentin. He (the Tenant) pays a yearly rent of 3s.; he owes suit to County and Hundred, and pays 8d. yearly for stretward". [2] Lower down, and under their report as to Suits withdrawn, "the same Jurors say that William de Slachbur' had withdrawn Suit from County and Hundred for a year past, causing damage of 3s. to the Crown". This was owing to the same compulsory interference of John de Grey's Bailiffs at Ellesmere, as has been noticed in the case of Coolmere. It is added to this notice that "the heir was under age and in the King's custody". [3] I suppose that William de Hochton, alias de Slachbury, was the heir in question, or the deceased father of the said heir: and that John de Grey, now Custos of Ellesmere, not only claimed Slachbury as a member of Ellesmere, but had, as a correlative, taken custody of the heir of Slachbury as a ward of the Crown. Now, in any case, and even if Slachbury was a member of Ellesmere, this seizure of a wardship will have been derogatory to the rights of Thomas de Constantine, the Mesne-lord. I further think that Slachbury was not, as yet at least, a member of Ellesmere, and that Thomas de Constantine must have held it under Roger Venator's heirs, the Barons of Pulverbatch. Observations, already made under Pulverbatch and under Haughton (near Haughmond), give to this idea a fair claim on our acceptance. [4] After the year 1255 we hear no more of Slachbury. The attempt to annex it to Ellesmere, near which it evidently stood, was probably successful in the end. It lost not only its existence as an independent Manor, but, as far as I can make out, its name; for none of the later members of Ellesmere were known by any similar appellation.

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 2.
[2] [3] Rot. Hundred. II. 75, 76.
[4] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 196; Vol. VIII. p. 285.

200 BROME.

Brome, near Ellesmere.

THE Domesday notice of Slacheberie (in Baschurch Hundred) is supplemented as follows:- In isto Hundredo jacet Bruma de 1 hida, et pertinet ad Hantone, villam Alberti. Inde litigant homines Comitis. [1]

So the Domesday Commissioners, owing to a pending Lawsuit among Earl Roger's Vassals, could not specify the status of Bruma; and, while they classed it in Roger Venator's Fief, they noted its connection with Albert's Manor of Welch Hampton. There can be no doubt that Brome is now represented by Broom Farm, a place in the township of Tetchill, and about two miles south-west of Ellesmere. We should expect to find it in the 13th century, held either by the Rosshalls, as descended from Albert, or by the Barons of Pulverbatch, as descended from Roger Venator. But Domesday does not tell us specifically who the Litigants of 1085 were. That is a matter of which we must judge by results. Doubtless then one of the Litigants was Norman Venator, and doubtless also he was the successful one. Brome, in short, descended to his heirs, the Pichfords, and was held under the Pichfords by that scion of their House, whom we have so often heard of as Engelard de Stretton. Richard de Pichford, elder brother of this Engelard, gave Brome to Haghmon Abbey. This (as I have explained elsewhere) was before the year 1157. The gift was registered and confirmed by Engelard (the surviving brother of Richard de Pichford, and the guardian of his heir) in terms which suggest that Engelard had a collateral interest in the estate. His Charter runs as follows:- "Omnibus Santcae Dei Ecclesiae filiis, tam futuris quam presentibus, Engelardus de Strettonis salutem. Notum sit universitati vestrae me et heredes meos concessisse et in perpetuam elemosynam presenti carta confirmasse Deo et Ecclesiae Sancti Johannis de Haghmon et Canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus unam hidam terrae, Brumam scilicet, quam frater meus Ricardus, in vita sua prefatae Ecclesiae, me presente et concedente donavit, liberam et quietam ab omnibus consuetudinibus et exactionibus ad me pertinentibus. Addo etiam cum predicta libertate molendinum de Colemere. Et si quando exercitus est ducendus,

[1] Domesday, fo. 259, a, 2.


adquietabo predictos Canonicos de servicio quod prefata hida Regi in tali necessitate debet, pro salute animae meae et uxoris meao et heredum meorum et predicti fratris mei Ricardi et omnium ancessorum meorum. Testibus, Reginaldo Extraneo, Rogero Presbytero, Radulfo de Vernon". [1]

In a subsequent Charter, attested by William de Wudetune, by Hamo, son of John le Strange, and by William de Chestworthin, Engelard de Stretton grants and confirms to the Abbey one hide of land, viz. Brome juxta Elesmere, with its appurtenances. Pope Alexander III., in his Bull of May 14, 1172, confirms to the Abbey ex dono Engelardi de Stretton, Brome, et sedem molendini in eodem feodo. [2]

Of the Abbot of Haughmond's subsequent possession of Brome we have the following evidences:- About the year 1313 Thomas de Gesenok disseized him of the estate, but at the Assizes held at Ludlow in January 1819 the Abbot recovered it by exhibiting Engelard de Stretton's Charter and a Confirmation thereof by Henry II. In 1327 the Abbot demises his Grange of Brome to Richard Orayle, of Newton, near Ellesmere, for life; rent, 30s. In 1336 (as we have seen) the Abbot had license to exchange Brome and other lands near Ellesmere for lands at Houghton (near Haughmond) and at Edgbold. [3] It will appear under Newton that the Abbot retained certain lands near Ellesmere till the Dissolution.

Felton Butler.

This was the only Manor in Bascherch Hundred which Helgot held under the Norman Earl.

Isdem Helgotus tenet Feltone. Aturic, AEluuard, et Alchen tenuerunt pro III Maneriis et liberi homines fuerunt. Ibi III virgatae terrae geldabiles. Terra est V carrucis. In dominio est una carruca, et III Servi et III Villani cum I carruca. Bernardus tenet de Helgoto. T.R.E. valebat XIIII solidos. Modo (valet) XV solidos.

Whether the Butlers (who held Felton Butler from an early period under Helgot's successors) were lineal descendants of Bernardus,

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 40.
[2] Harl. MS. 3868, fo. 11.
[3] Supra, Vol. VII. fo. 282.
[4] Domesday, fo. 258, b, 1.


the Domesday Tenant, is a question which I will only suggest. In the Liber Niger, or Feodary of 1165, Hamo fitz Buteler is the recorded Tenant of a knight's-fee under Herbert de Castellis, [1] Helgot's grandson. This Hamo fitz Butiler was doubtless identical with Hamo de Felton, who appears on the Shropshire Pipe-Roll of 1176, as having mortgaged his land for 11s. to one Orneus, a Priest. The Priest, it seems, had refused to receive the sum advanced, when repayment was offered; so the King's Justices ordered it to be paid to the Sheriff of Shropshire, who handed it over to the Royal Exchequer.

In 1180 the King's Justices amerced the vill of Felton half a merk, because it had neglected to investigate a case of homicide (quia non fecit sectam de morte occisi).

The next Butler of Felton whom I can name was John, son of Hamo, living apparently about the years 1205-1230. There was a Hospital at Nesscliff, founded, I think, by the Stranges of Ness, inhabited by Friars, and dedicated to St. Mary de Rocherio. Of such a dedication I have nothing to say in the way of explanation. What concerns us more is, that John Butler was a Benefactor of the said Hospital. I give an abstract of his Charters thereto, premising that the Chartulary from which they are taken [3] is by no means an accurate transcript of the Deeds which it affects to perpetuate.-

Johannes Buteler filius Hamonis Butiler dedi in perpetuam elemosynam Deo et Sanctae Mariae de Rocherio de Nesse, et fratribus ibidem servientibus XII acras terrae, vidz. IX acras quas Ricardus Faber et Willielmus frater ejus tenuerunt, vidz. juxta viam quae descendit de Bromhull [4] versus Vynelecot, [5] et III acras quas Hugo Plumarius et Rogerus filius Ricardi Brun tenuerunt prope IX acras predictas, etc.- pro anima mea,- et anima Yllariae uxoris meae. H.T. Hamone Extraneo, Radulfo de Pichford, Hugone Extraneo, Widone de Perepond, Henrico la Thuke, Johanne de Funtenay, Willielmo de Kinton, et m.a".

Another grant, from the same to the same, gives-

"Pro salute animaram patris, matris, Illariae sponsae, Roberti fratris, et Roberti Butil' ancessoris mei, totam terram meam, de

[1] Liber Niger, I. p. 147.
[2] "Idem Vicecomes r. c. de XI sol. quos recepit de Hamone de Felton precepto justiciariorum, qui eos optulit Orneo Presbytero pro terra sua quam habuerat in vadio, et noluit accipere. In. thro. E.Q.E."-

Orneus, the Priest or Chaplain, has occurred to us before (supra, p 72).
[3] Acornbury Chartulary (In Cur. Augment.), Nos. ix., x.
[4] Now Broom Hall;- N.W. of Felton-Butler.
[5] Now Willcot;- S.E. of Great Ness.


Cruce super Bromhul, usque ad sichetum de Halthewalle,- et inde usque Evediche,- et inde per divisas inter Cronomos et terram de Alreton; [1]- per Blakelawesiche;- per divisas inter terram de Felton et de Alreton, usque ad Chechemore et deinde per alnetum de Lutelmor;- per devisas inter terram de Felton Butiler et Winelicote, usque ad vadum de Winelicote, et inde per alveolum aquae usque ad molendinum, etc.;- per filum aquae descendentis de Neunebrig, et deinde totam terram meam a predicto filo aquae per divisas inter terram de Felton Botiler et de Nesse, usque ad Edmeresburinesse, et per divisas inter terram de Felton et de Nesse usque ad prenominatam Crucem super Bromhul;- salva mihi, commun' pasturae, etc., et salva mihi et heredibus meis de Wille de Nesse (sic) viam eundum (sic) ad pasturam in locis provisis ab Holthewallesiche usque ad Evediche, et inde usque ad Cronemos. Et ego, etc., talem communiam illis concessi et domui de Rochero et fratribus ejusdem loci, etc., Reddendo, 3 solidos annuatim, unde 6 denarii sunt de firma molendini de Winelicote. Sed mihi et heredibus meis respondebunt de forinseco, pro tribus dimidiis virgatis infra predictas divisas, sicut tres virgatae terrae in villa mea de Felton faciunt. H.T. Johanne Extraneo, Johanne Extraneo filio ejus, Rogero Sei (sic), Johanne de Fontenei, Willielmo de Kynton, Hamone Purcel, Johanne Sprenghose, Thoma de Toten' et m.a".

John le Botiler was apparently succeeded by another Hamo. The Feodaries of 1240 give Hamo le Botiler as holding a Knight's-fee in Felton, under Thomas Mauduit.
[2] In 1250 I find Hamo le Butiler amerced half a merk pro falso clamore, and 20s. for some false presentment. In 1255 he was one of the Jurors who made Inquest of Pimhill Hundred, and reported that he himself held 3 virgates in Felton, of the Fee of William Mauduit, doing knight's-service for 40 days at Montgomery in wartime. He did suit to County and Hundred, but paid neither motfee nor stretward. [3] I think that Felton must have been the earliest Holgate Fee which was thus charged with Castle-Guard at Montgomery. Afterwards the whole Barony was so charged.

At the Assizes of 1256 Hamo le Botyler appeared as a Juror for Pimhill Hundred; but was pronounced in misericordia, with eight other persons of knightly rank who had disobeyed an order of the Justices as to making some perambulation. [4]

At the Assizes of September 1272, and when now the Templars

[1] Alderton, near Felton-Butler.
[2] Testa de Nevill, pp. 46, 48, 50.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[4] Assizes, 40 Hen. III., m. 2 dorso.


were Lords of Holgate, they sued Hamo le Botyler in a Placitum Servitii, viz. as to the services due from him in respect of a messuage and carucate in Felton Botyler. The Master of the Templars alleged that Achelard, a preceding Master, had been seized of the service of a knight's-fee, also of 40s. scutage (when a scutage was levied at that rate per fee), also of suit every three weeks to the Court of Castle Holgate. Hamo le Botyler, on the other hand, maintained that he only owed two suits yearly to Holgate, and no more knight's-service than 40 days' castle-guard at Montgomery at his own charges. He demanded trial by Grand Assize. The result was that he was acquitted of the suit every three weeks to Holgate, but was found liable, not only to the services which he acknowledged, but to the full service of a knights'-fee as well; that is, I presume, for scutages, and in excercitu. Each party to the Cause was in misericordia.

Hamo le Botiler was Foreman of the Pimhill Jurors at the Inquest of 1274. He seems to have held something under the Stranges of Great Ness, and in 1276 was a Juror on the Inquest taken after the death of John le Strange (IV). On January 20, 1278, a Fine was levied, whereby Hamo de Felton Botiler (Impedient) grants to his younger son, William, a messuage, 24 acres, and half a virgate, in Kinge's-Ness and Felton Botyler;- to hold to William and his heirs, paying 20s. rent to his father while living, and a rose-rent to his Father's heirs after his Father's death; and discharging all capital services. The Master of the English Templars apposed his claim to this Fine. On the same day Hamo le Botyler settled on his younger son, John, estates at Aston near Twyford, Stanwardine-in-the-Field, and Winesbury, but was here also opposed by the Master of the Templars.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279, with much error both as to facts and words, says that "Felton Butler is held of Hamond Butler, of the Fee of William Madocke (Mauduit was meant) of Castle-Holegod, by service of one knight at Montgomery in wartime".

By a Fine of July 1, 1283, Hamo le Botyler (Deforciant) gives to William, his son (Plaintiff), 6 messuages, 4 bovates, 2 virgates, and 40 acres of land in Felton Botyler, Stanwordyn of-te-Feld, Aston juxta-Twyford, and Wynesbury, in the Valley of Montgomery; to hold to William and his heirs, paying 40s. rent to Hamo for his life, and one Rose afterwards to Hamo's heirs, and discharging all capital services. A Sore-hawk was the ostensible consideration for this grant.


Hamo le Botyller's decease was announced by a Writ of Diem Clausit, dated January llth, 1290. John, now his eldest son and heir, was of full age, and was already entitled to estates at Wynsbury, etc., as settled by the Fine of 1278. [1] John le Botyler appears on Juries, at Bicton and Besford, in January and December 1291. I shall also show (under Stanwardine-in-campo) that he was living in October 1292. However he seems to have died soon afterwards, and to have been succeeded either by a son, William, or by his younger brother of that name.

A Feodary, drawn up in May 1295, and enumerating the estates of Philip Burnel, late Lord of Holgate, reports the Hamlet of Felton as held by William le Botiler, under the late Baron, and by service of one knight. The tenancy was valued at 5. 3s. 1d. per annum. [2]

"Thomas le Botiler of Feltone" attests a Ness Deed in 1322.

Sleap Magna.

I HAVE already given my reasons [3] for supposing the following Manor of William Pantulf to have been in Bascherch Hundred, rather than in Culvestan, to which the letter of Domesday would assign it.-

Isdem Willelmus tenet Estepe. Uluric tenuit (et) liber homo fuit. Ibi dimidia hida geldabilis. Terra est I carrucae. Ibi est unus liber homo cum I carruca. Silva VI poreis incrassandis. Valuit et valet V solidos. [4]

A Deed of the year 1221 (already recited under Nunneley) shows how Hugh Pantulf's and the Abbot of Shrewsbury's estates converged near to Sleap and Tilley. [5]

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255, says that "Robert de Besselauwe holds two virgates in Slepe, of the Fee of Wem, and pays 16s. rent yearly, and does suit to County and Hundred; and pays 4d. (yearly) for motfee and stretward". [6]

[1] Inquis. 18 Edw. I., No. 13.
[2] Inquis. 22 Edw. I., No. 45-d.
[3] Supra, Vol. V. p. 1; Vol. X. p. 42.
[4] Domesday, fo. 257, b, 1.
[5] Supra, page 136.
[6] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


We have already seen that Robert de Beslow held Beslow at or about this time, under the Barons of Wem. [1]

At the Assizes of 1256, Reginald de Slepe sued Roger fitz William, Thomas le Provost of Nueton, Roger le Waleys of Burwelton, Richard fitz Hugh of Slepe, Hugh fitz Eddid of Iorthon (Yorton), and eighteen others, for disseizing him of common-right in 200 acres at Byllemers (Bilmarsh). The defendants were men of John le Strange, and claimed nothing save by his pleasure. They were dismissed, and the Plaintiff took nothing.

Roger de Slepe occurs on a local Jury in 1274, but he may have been of Little Sleap.

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279, says merely that "Slepe Magna is held of Ranulf Butler (then Baron of Wem) by service of one Montar for 15 days at the Castle of Weme". After this, Sleap Magna becomes more or less involved with Wem. Being in the Parish of Wem, it is now reputed to be in the Hundred of Bradford-North, while Parva Sleap, being in the Parish of Middle, still remains in Pimhill Hundred. Thus the two may be still distinguished by position, though the distinctive names of Sleap Magna and Sleap Parva have ceased to be used.


AFTER what I have said already [2] about this Manor of William Pantulf, I can do little more than transcribe the notice which Domesday takes of it.- "Isdem Willelmus tenet Sudtelch. Asci tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi dimidia hida geldabilis. Terra est II carrucis. Valebat V solidos. Modo reddit II solidos".

As to the Saxon Asci, his name is a solecism in the Shropshire Domesday. If, however, the name be identical with Alsi or Elsi, [3] we should look for any tenure of Asci's, in South, rather than in North, Shropshire. Thus increasing the difficulty of the subject, I am compelled to leave it.

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 41.
[2] Supra, Vol. V. p. 1.
[3] Vide supra, Vol. I. p. 152; Vol. III. p. 210; Vol. IV. p. 259.

JAGDON. 207.


IN the original Domesday, the initial letters L and I are so very similar, that perhaps the printed Copy (usually most accurate) errs in calling this place Lagedone instead of Jagedone. [1] I venture to transcribe the Record according to this idea.- "Elduinus tenet de Comite Iagedone. Ipsemet tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi dimidia hida geldabilis. Terra est I carrucae. Ibi est (scilicet carruca una) cum I Bordariis. Valuit et valet V solidos". [2]

Elduin, the Saxon, was probably dispossessed of his only Domesday Manor, not long after the Record was made. Instead of Jagdon appearing afterwards as a Tenure-in-capite, it appears as a member of Fitz Alan's Fief, but held by a kind of Serjeantry.

Simon, son of William de Jagdon, occurs in 1204; Roger, Simon's son, from about 1215 to 1230. This Roger (as we have already seen) bartered his estate at Jagdon, for land at Edgebold, with Vivian de Roshall, to whom also he afterwards sold what he had thus obtained in Edgebold. [3]

We have further seen that Roger de Jagdon's mother, Emma, remarried after Simon's death, to William Banastre, of Hadnall, whom she also survived.

It was early in the 13th century, and before Roger de Jagedon alienated Jagedon to Vivian de Roshall, that he gave to Haghmon Abbey a messuage and a croft of 3 acres in Jagedon, held by Robert fitz Ingrit. Witnesses,- Simon, the Grantor's son and heir; Robert de Gerros; Hugh Chaplain. [4] As we never hear afterwards of the first witness of this Deed, and as he must have been very young at the time of its passing, we may presume that he died in infancy, and that thus the line terminated.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 gives Vivian de Roshall's son in full possession.- "Thomas de Roshal holds one carucate of land in Jagedon, and it is of the Fee of John fitz Alan. He (Thomas) pays, in time of war, to John fitz Alan, one vessel full of potherbs, with three dishes of meat". [5]

[1] A similar mistake is perhaps made in the case of Yarton;- printed Lartune instead of Iartune (supra, p. 162).
[2] Domesday, fo. 259, b, 2.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 324.
[4] Haughmond Charty., Tit. Jagedon.
[5 "Unam ollam plenam ollerarum cum tribus ferculis de carnibus".


A Fitz-Alan Feodary of the year 1272, seems to have mentioned Jagedon, between Henton (Welch Hampton) and Roshall. [1] In March 1272, a more legible Record states that, Thomas de Roshale was holding Roshale, Jagedon, and Hanton, for 2 knight's-fees, in the Barony of Oswestry, and that his services were assigned to the Crown, pending the minority of his Suzerain, Richard fitz Alan. [2] The Inquest on Thomas de Roshall's death in 1311, reduces Yakedon to the position of a mere member of Rosshall. [3]

The place is now lost, but perhaps the situation, and something of the name, are traceable in a spot now known as Agdon's Lane, which lies North of The Isle, and near to it, though on the other side of the Severn.


Domesday notices this Manor in the following terms.-

"Anschitil tenet Letone de Comite. Hunni tenuit et liber homo fuit. Ibi I hida geldabilis. Terra est II carrucis. In dominio est una (carruca), et ibi sunt II hospites, reddentes IIII solidos et VIII denarios. Valuit VIII solidos. Modo (valet) X solidos". [4]

The next that we hear of Leaton is, as a tenure in capite, by Serjeantry, and as held by a family which took its name from the place.

GILBERT DE LETON, one of this family, has been seen attesting a Hadnall Deed, before the year 1201. [5]

At the Assizes of October 1203, we have-

ADAM DE LETON essoigning his attendance at the common summons. He also appears in 1211 as holding his land by service of doing ward at Shrewsbury Castle with his Balista. He was to serve 8 days at his own charges, but if he stayed there longer, it was to be at the King's expense. [6] To this Adam succeeded-

ROGER DE LETON, his son, who is found attesting a local Deed about 1240-60. When (about March 1247) Robert Passelewe visited Shropshire, for the purpose of detecting and assessing, all

[1] Calend. Inquis. Vol. I. p. 40.
[2] Claus. 56 Hen. III., m. 4.
[3] Supra, page 91.
[4] Domesday, fo. 259, b, 2.
[5] Supra, page 46.
[6] Testa de Nevill, p. 55.


alienations of Serjeantries, he found that of "Roger, son of Adam de Leaton, to be by 15 days' service at his own cost, in wartime, at Shrewsbury Castle". His balista was to be taken thither as before. He was still to discharge this service, and further to pay 40d. yearly to the Crown, for 5 bovates, alienated from his Seijeantry, and now held under him by one William fitz Warin. [1] The Pipe-Roll of 1250 charges him (the said Roger) with 3 years' arrears of this debt.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 makes Leeton to be one hide of land, but represents Roger de Leeton's Serjeantry to be commuted for an annual rent of 40d., payable to the King's Escheator. Roger de Leeton and William fitz Warin of Leeton were two of the Jurors who made this return. Roger de Leeton owed suit to County and Hundred, and paid 8d. yearly for stretward and motfee. [2] Another part of this return contains a difficulty. The Record says that "Nicholas de Hasting' holds in the same (Leeton) one hide of land, not geldable; [3] and it is of the fee of William Panton, of Cublesdon. It is held by payment of half a merk annual rent, and the Tenant has a Franchise, as he says, through the Abbot of Salop, but the Jury are ignorant of his warrantry". As this tenure had really nothing to do with the Domesday Leaton, I leave it to a subsequent page.

Roger de Leton was a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1256, and sat on a Hodnet Inquest in September 1257. The King's Writ announcing his death bears date November 25, 1262. The Inquest which followed, found him to have died seized of 4 virgates in Leeton, held by service of 40d. per annum. [3] Adam, his son and heir, was now 32 years of age. [4]

Petronilla, Roger de Leeton's widow, married Elyas de Stokes, of whom we have heard before. [5] This was without the King's license; but it seems that the Escheator, Master Richard de Clifford, hushed the matter up for a bribe of 20s. [6]

ADAM DE LEYTON (II) sat as a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of October 1272. He was deceased before January 6, 1273, when John fitz Aer, as Escheator, seized his land (4 bovates at Letone) and held it till June 24 following. [7] The Hundred-Roll of November 1274 records how an extortionate Officer, Stephen de Bitterley, had exacted 6s. 8d. from Adam de Letone, when he first

[1] Testa de Nevill, p. 59.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.
[3] I think this hide was a part of Monks Albrighton, which the Hundred-Roll represents as having lost one of its three Domesday hides (supra, pp. 107, 109).
[4] Inquis. 47 Hen. III., No. 2.
[5] Supra, Vol. VII., page 280; and Vol. VIII., page 64.
[6] [7] Rot. Hundred. II. 105, 106.


had seizin of his land, though such seizin had been given by the King; and how Master Roger de Crofte had exacted a like sum from Adam's widow, Amicia, when he gave her seizin of her dower. [1] The same Record states that "Adam de Lottone is holding (tenet) four bovates in capite in Letone by serjeantry". I think that for tenet we should here read tenuit, for I can find no evidence of a third Adam in this succession. Nor indeed can I find exact evidence as to the next Tenant of this Serjeantry. In May 1274 one Ivo de Letone appears on a local Jury, but I do not think him to have been Lord of Leaton.

RICHARD DE LEETON, probably successor to Adam (II), had a son and heir, Roger, born about Michaelmas 1280. In January and December 1291 this Richard appears on Juries at Bicton and Belford. He also occurs as Witness of a Hadnall Deed in July 1293. On November 17, 1308, King Edward II.'s Writ of Diem clausit announces the decease of Richard de Leton. An Inquest was held at Preston (probably Preston Gubbalds) in January following. The Serjeantry under which he had held was singularly changed. His tenure was by 40 days' ward at Shrewsbury Castle, during which period he was to provide one man with a bow and three shafts (pilettis), unfeathered, in event of war; and, after the 40 days ended, the man was to shoot his shafts into three quarters of the said Castle, and to depart, unless the King wished to detain him. There was an arrentation of 40d. on this Serjeantry. The arable land held by the deceased was worth 10s. per annum; a Mill produced 6s. 8d. Roger, his son and heir, was 28 years of age at Michaelmas 1308.

ROGER DE LETON (II) occurs on various occasions as a Witness or Juror, and from 1310 to 1340. An Inquest was held at Shrewsbury on Nov. 12, 1347, touching a settlement which be proposed to make of his estate, viz. "half of the Manor of Leton-juxta-Muriden". He wished to enfeoff Roger Don and Roger de Ercalwe, Chaplains, as Trustees, who were in turn to settle it upon himself for life, with remainder to William Huse and Cecily his wife, and the heirs of their bodies, with further remainder to the right heirs of Roger de Leton. The Inquest found the proposal to be non-injurious to the Crown. The said moiety of Leton was held in capite for a rent of 40d. per annum and was worth 20s. more. The settlement was allowed to be made for a Fine of 40s. paid by the said Roger. [3] For some reason or other, Roger de Leton changed his

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 105, 106.
[2] Inquis. 2 Edw. II., No. 15.
[3] Inquisitions, 21 Edw. III, 2nd Numbers, No. 20.


mind about this entail. A license of Oct. 10, 1350, allowed William de Bykerton and William Banastre of Hadnall (two new Trustees) to demise the above estate (a moiety of Leton) to Roger de Leton, for life, with remainder to Reginald, son of Cecily de Habberley and Alice, daughter of John de Lee, and the heirs of the bodies of the said Reginald and Alice, with remainder, in default of such heirs, to Thomas, son of William de Burleton, and the heirs of his body.

Roger de Leeton was deceased on Oct. 18, 1353. He died seized, in fee-tail, of a moiety of Leeton, as settled by the license of 1350. His right heir (thus disinherited) was Richard, son of William de Burleton, aged 22 years at Michaelmas 1353. [1] I cannot say how any of these parties were related to Roger de Leeton.

LEATON IN ALBRIGHTON. Besides the Domesday Manor of Letone, there was a hide of land which was usually accounted a moiety of Leaton, and went by the name of Leaton, but which was originally, as I think, a member of the Domesday Manor of Albrighton. The Seigneury of this estate was in the Monks of Shrewsbury, but they seem to have made an ancient feoffment thereof to some of the Pantulfs, so that early in the 13th century the Pantulfis of Cublesdon were accounted Lords of this part of Leaton. Hence we find that a Deed, which related to the neighbouring Manor of Great Berwick, and which passed about the year 1226, has the attestations of two brothers, William and Norman Pantulf. [2] Now this William Pantulf was of Cublesdon, and was also, I think, Lord of the moiety of Leaton, now under notice. From what has been said on a former page, [3] we may assume that in 1255, Nicholas de Hastings held the above hide in Leaton, under the heir of Pantulf of Cublesdon, who held under Shrewsbury Abbey by a mere quit-rent of 6s. 8d.

At the Assizes of January 1256, Adam, son of William de Letton, failed to prosecute a suit of mort d'ancestre, which he had arraigned against Nicholas de Hasting and (Emilina ?) his wife, for 6 messuages and 3 virgates in Letton. His Sureties de prosequendo were Thomas, son of Richard de Letton, and Robert Slinge. [4]

On Nov. 3, 1292, Reginald fitz William, of Stanwardine, and Juliana his wife (Plaintiffs) quitclaim, for 8 merks, all their right in a half-virgate in Leton. The Tenant and Grantee in this Fine

[1] Inquis. 27 Edw. III. No. 55.
[2] Vide infra, pap 217.
[3] Supra, Paige 209.
[4] Assizes 40 Hen. III., m. 1.- Thomas de Leton occurs again in 1257, viz. as amerced 6 merks for some trespass. In 1278, Thomas, son of Thomas de Leton and Matilda his wife, fine half a merk for some judicial writ (Rot. Finium, 6 Edw. I., m. 28).


was Richard, son of Roger Pride, who held two-thirds of the premises on his own account, and was called to warranty of the other third by Christiana, his father's widow. On Nov. 25, 1292, another Fine was levied, whereby Emeline, widow of Nicholas de Hastinges, (Plaintiff) quitclaimed, for 20, to Richard Pride (Tenant), all her right to a messuage and carucate of land in Leton. Richard Pride, thus enfeoffed in Leton, appears to have been succeeded by a second Roger Pride, whose widow, Agnes, remarried with William de Biriton, but whose heirs were Henry de Bromleye and his wife Agnes. By Deed dated at Leton on April 1, 1327, "Henry de Bromleye and Agnes his wife, grant to John le Walsche of Salop, for a sum of money, one messuage and all their lands and tenements in the vill of Leton, with the demesne, wastes, moors, etc., pertaining thereto, and also with the reversion of lands in Leton, now held by Agnes, wife of William de Byriton, as her dower in the inheritance of the Grantors; the whole to hold to the said John le Walsche and his heirs, of the Lords of the Fee, by the usual services. Witnesses,- Sirs Thomas de Roshale, John de Leybourne, knights; William Banastre; Roger de Leton, Stephen de Roshale, John de Westbury, and John Ive of Leton". [1]

On Nov. 16, 1331, "William de Biriton and Agnes his wife give to William de Wottenhull, all Agnes' dower in Leaton, which she had in the estate of Roger Pride, her former husband, to hold to the Grantee, for the life of Agnes, and by discharge of all dues to the Lords of the Fee. Witnesses,- Hugh de Bokenhale, John le Walsh, John de Westone, Roger de Letone, John Ive of Letone". [1]

On May 1, 1339, "John le Walisch had enfeoffed Roger de Leton in all his lands in Leton, but the Grantee, having received the rents, reliefs, etc., of two tenements there, for four years to come, was to restore the whole, under a penal bond of 50. Witnesses,- Richard Hord of Walleford, Richard Husee, Stephen de Roshale, Roger Gesnok of Wolascote, and Richard Traynel". [1]

At a subsequent period John le Walsh seems to have sold his interests in Leton, both realized and reversionary, to William de Wottenhull. Hence the following two Deeds;- which I account to have passed between 1340 and 1350.-

"John le Walsh, of Salop, quitclaims to William de Wotenhull all right to any lands, tenements, etc., in Leton-juxta-Salop. Witnesses,- Richard Husee, Roger de Leton, Roger Banastre". [1]

"The same quitclaims to the same William de Wottenhull, all

[1] Charters in possession of the Author.


that the said William had in the Vill of Leton by assignment of William de Biriton and Agnes his wife, being the dower of Agnes in the estate of her former husband, and the reversion whereof pertained to the present Quitclaimant. Witnesses,- Robert de Uptone, [1] John de Weston, [2] Hugh Ive".

On March 4, 1350, "John de Bruwode releases to John, son of William de Wottenhull, all right in any lands, rents, services, etc., which the said John, son of William, had by gift and feoffment of Agnes, late Relict of Henry de Brommeley. Witnesses,- Sir Robert, Lord of Morton Corbet, William, son of Walter Banastre, and Roger de Leton". Dated at Leton. [3]

Great Berwick.

THIS was one of the Manors which Edric the Forester held in Saxon times, and which the Norman Earl of Shrewsbury retained in his own demesne.- Ipse Comes tenet Berewic. Edricus Salvage tenuit. Ibi I hida et dimidia. In dominio sunt II carrucae; et IIII Servi, et una ancilla, et XI Villani cum V carrucis. T.R.E. valebat XXX solidos. Modo (valet) IX libras. [4]

I must refer back to my accounts of Chetton and of Eudon Burnell for the principal facts in the early history of Great Berwick. [5] Several additional facts have however now to be added: indeed there is some probability that the original Feoffee in all three Manors can be identified.- Henry I. has been often alluded to in these pages as adopting a policy, which qualified the ascendency of the Norman aristocracy by an admixture of other foreigners. Under his auspices the respective Ancestors of Fitz Alan and Fitz Warin were settled in Shropshire. In his reign many Immigrants from Brittany and Maine may be presumed to have come to England, and, among them, several members of the family of De Gorram, previously settled at La Tanniere, in Maine. One of these, viz. William de Gorram, appears to have been the person

[1] Bailiff of Shrewsbury in 1350.
[2] Bailiff of Shrewsbury in 1329, 1335, and 1336.
[3] Charters in possession of the Author.
[4] Domesday, fo. 253, b, 2.
[5] Supra, Vol. I. pp. 166, 185.


who had Chetton and Berwick by gift of Henry I., and Eudon by gift of Alan fitz Flaald or his son. That this William de Gorram was father of Damietta, the wife of Ranulph de Broc, is quite clear from documentary evidence;- for instance, "William de Gorram gives his land of Staplehurst, [1] which he held under Earl William, [2] to Ranulph de Broc and to his (William de Gorram's) daughter Damata, and to their heirs;- to hold under Earl William". [3]

Ranulph de Broc died, as we have seen, about 1187, holding half a knight's-fee in the Honour of Arundel, and probably at Staplehurst above mentioned. His wife Damietta, known to have been heiress of Berwick, Chetton, and Eudon, survived till about 1204. Ranulph de Broc apparently had a son, Robert, by his wife Damietta, which son survived him. Hence we have a Deed whereby "Damata, formerly wife of Sir Ranulph de Broc, and Robert de Broc, her son, testify that they were present when the said Ranulph gave his land of Combdena to one Fulco de Bollard; and they confirm the donation". [3]

Again, Robert de Broc married Margaret, daughter of Richard de Beauchamp, and had by her a son, Laurence. Hence a Deed whereby "Robert de Broc, for the (souls') health of Margaret his wife, of Sir Ranulph de Broc his father, of Laurence his son, and of Sir Richard de Beauchamp, Margaret's father, makes a grant to the Church of St. Paul of Newnham and to the Canons of Ravensden. Witnesses,- Sir Stephen de Turnham, Sir Thomas Basset". [3] However, the male line of Ranulph de Broc must have expired on the deaths of the above Robert and Laurence, and before the death of Damietta de Gorram. On the last event taking place in 1204, Stephen de Turnham, as husband of Edelina (Damietta's eldest daughter and alleged heir), obtained livery of Frelbury (Southants), and of Berwick, Chetton, and Eudon (Shropshire). The litigation which ensued between Edelina and her sisters, or the heirs and representatives of herself and her sisters, has been given already in most of its details. I now turn back a few years to add something to what has been said under Idsall, [4] about Stephen de Turnham.-

In 1198 (10 Ric. I.) Stephen de Turnham had a grant of the wardship of the lands and heir of Robert de Leeburn, and of the benefit of the marriage of the said heir. He gave the King 300 merks for the said wardship. [5] There can be little doubt that the

[1] Staplehuret in Kent, probably.
[2] Probably William d'Albini (I), Earl of Sussex or Arundel (1139-1176).
[3] Halstead Genealogies, p. 27.
[4] Supra, Vol. II. p. 286.
[5] Rot. Pipe, 10 Ric. I., Kent.


said heir was Roger de Leybourn, afterwards married to Alianore, one of the daughters and eventual coheirs of Stephen de Turnham. In 1211 we have Stephen de Turnham, as a Tenant-in-capite of Shropshire, holding 100 solidates of land by services unknown at the moment. [1] The land in question was Berwick; but Chetton was possibly included in the estimate. A Quitclaim to Shrewsbury Abbey, in which Stephen de Turnham was joined by Godelina (sic) his wife, has been given under Albrighton, [2] but refers to their interests at Berwick. In March 1214, Stephen de Turnham was dead, and it was then, doubtless, or soon after, that "Eodelina, formerly wife of Sir Stephen de Turneham, gave to Lilleshall Abbey the Church of Chetinton (Chetton), the Chapel of Berewick, and all her right in Haremore". [3] Within a year after Stephen de Turnham's death, and between May and December 1214, a Fine appears on the Rolls, which was originally supposed to relate to land in Shropshire; but the marginal affix Salop has been cancelled and Kent substituted. Such a confusion was natural.- "Roger de Leiburn gives the King 20 merks that he may have such seizin of the Manor of Berwig as he had on the day when he was disseized thereof on pretext of the death of Stephen de Thorneham". [4] It would seem that Roger de Leybourn had had seizin of some Berwig during Stephen de Turnham's life, and that on that Baron's death the Escheators had seized it as part of his estate as yet to be divided. What Berwig is alluded to, I have not inquired.

Before Michaelmas 1214, Edelina, widow of Stephen de Turnham, gave King John 60 merks and a palfrey for liberty to remarry with whom she pleased. [5] She was living in Trinity Term 1220, but deceased before November 1221. [6]

In January 1219, the five daughters and coheirs of Stephen de Turnham were Mabel, wife of Thomas de Bavelingham, Alice, wife of Adam de Bending, Alienore, wife of Roger de Leybourn, another Alienore, wife of Ralph fitz Bernard, and Beatrix, wife of Ralph de

[1] Testa de Nevill, p. 55.
[2] Supra, page 108.
[3] Lilleshall Chartulary, fo. 62.
[4] Rot. Finium, p. 542.
[5] Rot. Pipe, 16 John, Surrey.
[6] Halstead (Genealogies, p. 27) affects to quote a Placita Roll of June 24, 27 Hen. III. (i.e. 1243), wherein Edelina de Broc appoints an Attorney against Sibil de Broc, in a Plea, the object of which was to oblige Sibil to observe a Fine, levied at Winchester, concerning the whole inheritance of Damata de Goram, mother of Edelina and Sibil.

This extract is genealogically useful, and the Fine and Suit were doubtless those already alluded to (Vol. I. pp. 171, 172): but Halstead's date for the above Placita-Roll must, I imagine, be wrong by more than 20 years.


Fay. They renewed a Fine which they had made with King John for seizin of Ertinden in Surrey; [1] but it must be carefully noted that the Fine was for part of their Father's, not their Mother's, inheritance.

Before November 1221, Alianore, wife of Roger de Leybourn, was deceased, as well as her mother; and the said Roger was seized, in her right, of the Manor of Berwick. The Suit which then commenced between Roger de Leybourn and the heirs of his late wife's Aunts (daughters of Ranulph de Broc) concerned his tenure of Berwick, and lasted for 16 years, without apparently shaking his position. The chief particulars have been given under Chetton. Meanwhile, Roger de Leybourn, as Lord of Berwick, was at issue with Lilleshull Abbey about Berwick Chapel and Harmer Pool. Henry III. visited Shrewsbury judicially in August 1226, and it was probably then that their disputes were reconciled. If so, the following curious Deed may be dated in the same year, and taken (in the absence of a formal Fine) to be the written Record of their agreement.-

"Omnibus Sanctae matris Ecclesiae filiis presentem paginam inspecturis, Rogerus de Leburne, eternam in Domino salutem. Noveritis me divinae pietatis intuitu et pro salute animae meae, et omnium antecessorum meorum concessisse et hac presenti carta confirmasse Deo et Ecclesiae Beatae Mariae de Lilleshull et Canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus capellam de Berewich cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, et Vivarium quod dicitur Haremor, [2] cum redundacione aquae, secundum illam altitudinem stagni sui quam habuerunt illo die quo concordati fuimus apud Salopesburi in adventu Domini Regis, cum solito cursu aquarum quae in illam maram ceciderunt;- habenda et tenenda libere et quiete et pacifice, absque omni vexatione mei vel heredum meorum, in liberam, puram, et perpetuam elemosinam. Ut igitur hac mea concessio et confirmacio futuris temporibus rata et stabilis permaneat, eam presenti scripto et sigilli mei impressione corroboravi. Hiis testibus; Magistro Radulfo de Meidenestan, Archidiacono Cestriae [3]; Magistro Alexandro Archidiacono Salopesburiae [4]; Viviano de Rossale; Willielmo

[1] Rot. Finium, 3 Hen. III., m. 9.
[2] Harmer Pool was anciently an extentensive Mere, and has lost some of its compass only within the last century. Harmer Hill, adjoining, is now usually called Armour Hill. I have somewhere seen the latter name erroneously made part of an argument about the Battle of Shrewsbury. The Saxon word Hara (a hare) is less warlike in sound, but affords the true etymology.
[3] Became Bishop of Hereford in 1234.
[4] Alexander de Swereford. (Vide supra, Vol. IX. pp. 303, 304; Vol. X. p. 71.)


Pantulf; [1] Normanno Pantulf fratre ejus; Hereberto Malvesin; Stephano de Pibbeleia; [2] Galfrido clerico; Roberto de Cotes; Waltero Abetot clerico de Salop'". [3]

Dugdale's account of the family of Leiburne would suggest that Roger de Leiburne (the Minor of 1198) lived till 1272. [4] This must be erroneous. Before the year 1244 one John de Leybourn had not only succeeded to Berwick, but dying seized thereof had made way for a second Roger de Leybourn. John left a widow, Florence, who remarried to Matthias de Mara. Hence a Fine of February 3, 1244, whereby Matthias de Mara and Florence his wife (Plaintiffs) surrender Florence's claim of dower in Berewyk to Roger de Leyburn, tenant of the Manor, who gives a sore sparrow-hawk as the consideration.

In the year 1245 Roger de Leybourn (II) sold Berwick to Sir Geoffrey Despenser for a sum of 400 merks, reserving a nominal rent to himself, and stipulating for the Purchaser's discharge of the curious service by which the Manor was held of the Crown. I give the Deed in brief.-

"Rogerus de Leyburn, etc., dedi Domino Galfrido Despenser Manerium de Berewyk, in Com. Salop, videlicet quicquid habui in dominicis, etc.; quietum de Sectis Curiae Comitatus et Hundredi;- habendum illi et heredibus suis, de me et heredibus meis, reddendo unum par albarum cyrotecarum vel unum denarium apud Berewyk die Natalie Domini, et faciendo Domino Regi et heredibus suis servicium debitum, scilicet, inveniendo unum servientem equitem cum lanceo et haubergello, et trussantem unam pernam, commorantem in servicio Regis, quamdiu perna sibi et homini suo durabit, in Norwallia;- cum corpore Domini Regis et heredum, si presentes fuerint, et, si absentes, nullum servicium fiet. Et cum perna comedatur, Serviens repatriabit, nisi Rex et heredes aliter ipsum velint retinere ad stipendia sua;- et praeterea reddendo heredibus Stephani de Turneham unam libram cimini pro me, Rogero, et heredibus. Ita quod nec ego, Rogerus, nec heredes mei, aliquid clamare poterimus in custodia vel maritagio heredum Galfridi, nec (in) relevio nec eschaeta; sed Rex habeat. Pro hac Galfridus dedit quadringenta marcas argenti. Hiis Testibus,- Domino Willielmo de Eboraco Praeposito Beverlacensi; Paulino

[1] William Pantulf of Cublesdon, whose interest in this neighbourhood has been alluded to above (p. 211).
[2] Stephen de Pimley. (Vide supra, Vol. VII. pp. 304-306.) [3] Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, Vol. V. 177, 178.
[4] Baronage, II. pp. 13, 14. I have inadvertently embodied the mistake in the Genealogical Table (Vol. I. p. 190).


Peyver'; Willielmo de Sancto Edmundo; Roberto de Notingeham; Magistro Roberto Sbardelawe; Ricardo de Clifford; Anketill Malore; Egidio de Clifford; Willielmo filio Herberti; Simone de Norwic; et aliis". [1] The above grant had the full and very necessary sanction of the Crown. Henry III. recited and confirmed it, in a Charter, dated at Windsor, July 5, 1245, and attested by Fulk fitz Warin; Sylvester de Everdon, Archdeacon of Chester; Richard de Clifford; and William, Provost of Beverley. [1]

Geoffrey Despenser seems to have been succeeded at Berwick by his son John. The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "John Despenser holds 1 hides in Berewyk in capite, doing the following service in wartime whenever the King should pass into Wales, viz. providing one horseman, one man, and one Greyhound, carrying with them one gammon of bacon (pernam); and they must follow the King till the gammon be consumed, and afterwards, if they must remain, it shall be at the King's charges. John Despenser claimed Warren and a Franchise in Berwick; the Jurors knew not by what warranty". [2]

I now return to Roger de Leyburn (II), whose public and political career from 1252 to 1265 is fully described by Dugdale. His conduct as a Royalist during thd King's captivity (that is, between the Battle of Lewes, on May 14, 1264, and the Battle of Evesham, on August 4, 1265) is evidenced by that series of delusive Patents which I have elsewhere described as addressed to Roger de Mortimer, James de Audley, and other Patriots of the Marches. A Patent of May 17 is worth quoting, as showing how the crafty Montfort, relying on his own temporary reconciliation with the powerful Earl of Gloucester, ceased inviting the King's friends "to come to Court or to go and tarry in Ireland", and assumed another attitude. At Hereford, on May 20, 1265, the King is made to address Ralph Basset of Drayton, as Custos Pacis, and the Sheriffs of Salop and Staffordshire. These Officers are to publish the peace concluded between Simon de Montfort and Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester; and seeing that Roger de Clifford, Roger de Leybourn, and others, their Fellow Marchers, being bound to quit the realm under the Provisions of Worcester, had, in contempt of the King, failed to do so, the said Officers are to cause them to be arrested if they continue to alienate the affections of the King's Lieges from his person, and to disturb the Peace.

[1] Rot. Chart. 29 Hen. III., m. 3.- Collated with a transcript of the original Deed in Blakeway's MSS.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.


On August 8, 1265 (four days after the Battle of Evesham), the King, being at Worcester, gives to Roger de Leybourn the Shrievalty of Kent and custody of the lands and person of Idonea, younger daughter and Coheir of Robert de Vipont. On August 22, the King at Gloucester gives him the Wardenry of the Cinque Ports and Chamberlainship of Sandwich. On September 20, the King, at Winchester, appoints him Sheriff of Cumberland. By Charter, dated at Canterbury on October 26, 1265, the King confirms to "Roger de Leyburn, for his faithful services, all the lands in England which had belonged to Adam le Despencer;- also the Manors of Kirkeosewod and of Burg, and the bailiwick of the Royal Forest of Englewod, late Thomas de Multon's; also certain lands of Richard de Grey, Roger de St. John, John le Despencer, Ralph Pyrot, and of Robert de Vere, late Earl of Oxford, all enemies of the Crown;- to be held by the said Roger de Leyburn under the Lords of the respective Fees". [1] This grant of John le Despencer's lands seems to have worked an immediate reversion of the fee-simple of Berwick to the previous Mesne-Lord. I do not find that the benefits of the Dictum de Kenilworth were ever extended to John le Despencer. On November 5, 1271, Roger de Leyburn (II) was deceased, leaving his second wife, Alianore, widow of Roger de Quinci, Earl of Winchester, surviving. [2] His heir was his son William, by a former marriage.-

William de Leybourn had general Livery of the estates, held in capite by his late Father, on Nov. 7, 1271, saving the Dowery and other claims of the Countess of Winchester. [3]

I suppose that Simon de Leybourn, who had some feoffment or claim in Great Berwick, was a younger son of Roger, and that his claim was disallowed by his elder brother. On June 2, 1272, Simon de Leyburn was suing William de Leyburn, William Blundel, and others, for disseizing him of his free tenement in Berewyk.

The Pimhill Inquest of November 1274 gives William de Leybourne as holding Berewyk by service of a knight's-fee of the King in capite, and as exercising rights of Warren there. [4] The Tenure-Roll [5] of 1279 shows that Simon de Leybourne had ere then recovered the whole estate.- "Symond Leyburne tenet Manerium de Berewecke cum membris de Domino Regi in capite per servicia unius Montaris cum uno leperario et cum uno homine portante unam pernam secum, quotiens Rex transierit in Walliam tempore

[1] Rot. Cartaram, 49 Hen. III., m. 2.
[2] [3] Rot. Finium, II. 552, 553.
[4] Rot. Hundred. II. pp. 104, 105.
[5] Roll, in the Author's possession.


[For pedigree, see pdf.]


guerrae, et sequetur Dominum Regem quosque illa expendatur; et, si Rex voluerit longius eum tenere, sumptibus Domini Regis".

The Tenure-Roll of 1284 also gives Simon de Leyburn as Lord of Berwick. At the Assizes of October 1292, Simon de Leyburn's exercise of Free Warren in Berewyk was again presented, as was his Tenure of the Manor itself, under the head De Serjantiis. The Serjeantry was described in the same way as before, except that Simon himself seems to have been personally liable to serve, and the consumption of the gammon of bacon was to be regulated by the King's Marshal. Simon de Leybourn came forward to prove his title. It was by gift of his Father, Roger, and he asked leave of the Court to call William, his father's son and heir, to warranty. To this the King's Attorney objected, saying that "there could be no Mesne Tenant in a Serjeantry", and that, "whereas Simon could not (rightfully) perform the aforesaid service, a right had accrued to the Crown of holding the Serjeantry in demesne".

The cause was adjourned to Lichfield till January 27th following, but I do not find it to have been renewed.

At the above Assizes, Simon de Leybourn withdrew an accusation of waste against John de Ludlow, Senior, who having been his Lessee in 100 acres of bosc at Berewyk, had cut down 300 oaks;- value 100.

The King's Writ of Diem clausit announcing the death of Simon de Leyborn bears date Nov. 20, 1308. [1] An Inquest held at Shrewsbury on Feb. 14, 1309, found him to have held the Manor of Berwick conjointly with John, his son, by feoffment of Philip de Say (evidently a Trustee), who had settled the same on Simon, his wife, Lucia, and his son, John, and the heirs of John's body, with remainder to Matilda, John's sister, and the heirs of her body, with remainder to the right heirs of Simon. The said Simon and his son John held the Manor under William de Leyburn, by service of doing homage and paying a pound of cummin. John de Leybourn was 14 years of age on Dec. 21, 1309. [2]

The above Lucia, wife of Simon de Leybourne, was sister and eventual heir of John le Strange of Cheswardine. I conclude that she was also an illegitimate daughter of Roger le Strange of Ellesmere.

[1] Mr. Blakeway assigned to this Sir Simon de Leyburn a Monument which formerly stood in the Trinity Chapel of St. Mary's Church, Shrewsbury; and which still exists. An Engraving of the Monument and other particulars are given, Hist. of Shrewsbury, I. 196, and II. 396.
[2] Inquis. 2 Edw. II., No. 24.


JOHN DE LEYBOURN appears in the Nomina Villarum of March 1316 as Lord of Berwick. His career, military and political, has been described by Dugdale, though the Great Antiquary failed to discover his origin. His being summoned to Parliament as a Baron was evidently due to his marriage with Beatrix de Beauchamp, widow of Peter, last Baron Corbet of Caus.

How far this John de Leybourn inherited any Shropshire estates in right of his mother, Lucia, [1] and how he and his wife both died without heirs, having succeeded in alienating several Corbet estates to the Beauchamps of Hach, her relations; [2]- these are matters on which I have spoken elsewhere.

John de Leybourn died Oct. 6, 1348, but the Inquest, taken at Eseter, deals only with estates held by him for life by settlement with his deceased wife. [3] His own heir, and the destination of the Manor of Berwick are not noticed.

I have not ascertained whether Berwick descended in any way consonant with the remainder to Matilda, sister of John de Leyburn. Some Heraldic Pedigrees give a sister and heir of the said John as married to Geoffrey to Lucy; but by these authorities the Lady is called "Katherine". [4]

PAROCHIALLY, Great Berwick and its member, Little Berwick, were in the Parish of St. Mary's, Shrewsbury. They still remain so. The grant of Berwick Chapel to Lilleshull Abbey, early in the 13th century, does not seem to have been opposed by the Dean and Chapter of St. Mary's. The Grant is included and confirmed in a Bull which I take to be that of Pope Honorius III., and if so to have passed between 1216 and 1227. An old Rent-Roll of Lilleshull Abbey gives 6s. 8d. as the annual profits arising from the Chapel of Berewick. [5]

The Valor of 1535 combines the Rectorial Income of St. Alkmund's Church with that from the Chapel of Berwick, and states the Abbey to be in receipt of 6 yearly from the two sources. [6] It also appears that a pension of 18s. per annum was payable by the

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 16.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 38, 39.
[3] Inquis. 22 Edw. III., No. 37.
[4] It is well worth observing that the descendants of any daughter or daughters of Simon de Leybourn will have been right heirs to very great estates, if not to a Barony: for it is proximately certain that the descendants of William de Leybourn (Simon's elder brother) failed in 1389, on the death (without issue) of John de Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, the Great-great-great-Grandson and heir of the said William.
[5] Lilleshall Chartulary, fos. 88, 93.
[6] Valor Eccles. III. 197. "Exitus Ecclesiae Sti Edmundi (sic) cum Capella de Barwile (sic) annexat' Monasterio predicto valet 6".


Abbey to St. Mary's Church, as a charge on the Chapel of Little Berwick. [1]


THIS was another of those Manors which passed from Edric Forester to the Demesne of Earl Roger de Montgomery.- Ipse Comes tenet Lopitone. Edricus Salvage tenuit. Ibi V hidae geldabiles. In dominio sunt II carrucae et IIII servi, et XV Villani, cum VI carrucis; et adhuc II carrucae possent esse. T.R.E. valebat III libras; modo VI libras et X solidos. [2]

Loppington became a Tenure-in-capite by service of one knight's-fee. This was probably in the time of Henry I.; at all events the feoffment was so old, that in the reign of John it was erroneously accounted to be a Tenure under the Escheats of Tornai.

ALEXANDER DE LOPINGTON, the first recorded Lord of the Manor, lived in the reigns of Henry II. and Richard I. About the year 1190 "he gave the Church of Lopinton to Wombridge Priory, for the souls of himself, his father, mother, and ancestors, and by consent and request of Richard, his heir. Witnesses,- Walter, Abbot of Lilleshull; Eustace, a Canon; Henry, a Canon; Richard, Dean; Richard Griffin; Roger, Chaplain; Hugh de Chester; Richard de Franketon; William de Hedley; Roger Bret; Gilbert, his brother; Richard, son of Alexander (i.e. of the Grantor); Reginald, son of Richard de Franketon".

Alexander de Loppington is further recorded to have given the whole of Burleton (a member of Loppington) to his daughter, the wife of William de Burweltone, and half of Loppington (proper) to another daughter, the wife of Adam le Strange. Possibly this Adam le Strange may be the person of that name who in the year 1177 had received 15 merks from the Sheriff of Shropshire by order of King Henry II. Possibly, too, he may be that Adam, son of Hamo le Strange, who between the years 1170 and 1179 attests two Charters of Guy le Strange, of Knokyn and Alveley. Be this as it may, Adam le Strange and his wife had a son, William, who

[1] Valor Eccles. III. 198.
[2] Domesday, fo. 253, b, 2.
[3] Wombridge Chartulary, Tit. Lopinton, No. II.


inherited half Loppington. But I must speak more particularly of-

RICHARD DE LOPINTON, son and heir of Alexander. The Pipe-Roll of 1199 exhibits the Bishop of Bangor as accounting for 5 merks, in respect of his Fine concerning the land of Richard de Lopinton. [1] I cannot account for this, except on the very problematical supposition that the Bishop had had wardship of an infant heir. The Scutage-Rolls from 1203 to 1246, inclusive, show Loppington as assessed at the current rate on a knight's-fee; and Richard de Lopington is in each case the person charged. In the scutages of 1254 and 1260 Loppington was not assessed at all. [2]

In the Tenure-Roll of 1211 Richard de Lopinton is said to hold of the King by service of one knight, and his tenure is inaccurately classed among the Escheats of Gerard de Thurnay. [3]

At the Assizes of November 1221 there was a Trial of Grand Assize as to whether William le Strange ought to hold a hide in Lopinton under Richard de Lopinton (Plaintiff), or whether the latter should hold it in demesne. It was decided in favour of Le Strange, because Richard's father (Alexander) had given the premises to his (Alexander's) daughter, the mother of the Defendant; and Le Strange and his heirs were to hold from thenceforth under the Plaintiff. It is noted that Richard de Lopinton acknowledged the gift made to William le Strange's mother, but questioned his father's power thus to dispose of half the estate. A second Trial accused William le Strange of disseizing Richard de Lopinton of a tenement in Lopinton. Here William le Strange proved that he had taken nothing but pannage upon certain swine. In a third case William le Strange recovered a right of common in Lopinton, of which he had been disseized by Richard de Lopinton and Alexander de Franketon. [4] In a fourth case Richard de Lopinton recovered a tenement in Lopinton against Walter de Franketon and William de Lopinton, who had disseized him thereof. [5]

At these Assizes the Jurors of Pimhill Hundred presented that "Richard de Lopinton held the land of Lopinton of the Lord King. It was worth 100s. (per annum) and was held by service of one knight".

[1] Episcopus Pangor r. c. de V marcis de fine suo de terra Ricardi de Lopinton.
[2] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 197.
[3] Testa de Nevill, p. 56.
[4] Robert de Wufericton, William de Stanwurdin, Reginald de Franketon, William de Lopinton, and William de Hanworth were mixed up in these cases as Sureties.
[5] There was also a William de Lopinton amerced half a merk in 1232 pro falso clamore.


When Alexander de Lopington is said "to have given half Lopington to his daughter", half of Loppington proper or half of two hides must be understood; for three out of the five hides of the Manor were in Burleton, and there Alexander de Loppington had enfeoffed another son-in-law at a still earlier period. This appears in a Fine, levied Nov. 12, 1244, whereby Richard de Lopinton (Plaintiff) allowed the right of Robert de Burgheton (Tenant) to 3 hides in Burgheton, whereof there had been suit-at-law. The Tenant was to hold in fee, under Richard de Lopinton, and to perform three parts of that knight's-service of 40 days, for which the whole 5 hides were responsible, in the King's host, so often as the host was summoned between Pouwiz and England in wartime. The Tenant was to perform such share of service at his own cost and was also to perform all forinsec service due on the Manor in the proportion of three to two. This was to cover all claims against him, and he paid 4 merks down to the Plaintiff.

When the Feodary of 1240 registers, among the fees of Tornay, half a fee in Lopinton, as held by Richard de Lopinton, [1] it must not be supposed that the alleged half-fee bears any reference to the above arrangement between Lord and Vassal. The half-fee is probably a mere error, corrected by Scutage-Rolls and other documents, or else it alludes to personal service in the King's host elsewhere than in Wales and Shropshire.

At the Inquest of 1255 Richard de Lopinton was Foreman of the Pimhill Jurors. They stated, with technical accuracy, that "he held five geldable hides in Lopinton and Burelton, of the King's fee, by service of one knight for 40 days in Wales and in time of war. He owed suit to County and Hundred, and paid 3s. 4d. yearly for stretward and motfee". [2] At the Assizes of 1256 Richard de Lopinton was second Juror for Pimhill Hundred. His wife, then living, was Susanna, daughter, and apparently heir, of Peter de Eston, of whom we shall hear elsewhere.

A lost Inquest of 41 Henry III. (1256-7) is described as alluding to Richard de Lopinton and the Manor of Pouwiz. [3] It probably concerned the death of Richard de Lopinton and the relevance of his tenure to service in Powis-land, but as to any Manor of Pouwiz, such a thing never existed in Shropshire.

From the Tenure-Roll of 1257 it appears that, on July 25 of that year, the King received the homage of Richard, son and heir of

[1] Testa de Nevill, p. 45.
[2] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[3] Printed Calendar of Inquisitions, Vol. I. p. 15.


Richard de Lopinton. His relief was fixed at 100s., but the terms of payment were relaxed, on amount of the excessive poverty of the said Richard. [1]

The following Deed certainly passed between 1256 and 1263. I think it passed in 1256-7. If so, it was perhaps a dying bequest of Richard de Lopinton (I). As "Richard de Lopinton", and "for the souls' health of himself and his Ancestors, he concedes to the Canons of Wombridge license to get every sort of bosc for building, fencing, or other purposes, in his woods and moors pertaining to Lopinton, for the use of themselves and their men of Lopinton. He adds common pasture and free pannage for the animals and swine of themselves and their men, throughout the Fee of Lopinton. He allows that all who hold in his Fee of Lopinton and of Burwell' (Burleton) may give or bequeath lands or rents to the said Canons. He lastly concedes the Church and Advowson of Lopinton. Witnesses,- Sir Ralph le Botiler, Sir Walter de Dunstanvill, Sir Thomas de Roshall, John de Ercalew, John fitz Aer, Richard de Pecton, John de Burwellton, Richard de Franketon, John, Chaplain of Lopinton, and Ralph le Bret". [2] In accordance with what has been stated above, I must call the next Lord of this Manor.-

RICHARD DE LOPINTON (II). After his Livery in 1257, I hear nothing of him till he occurs as Juror on a local Inquest of May 1274. The Pimhill Hundred-Roll, of November 1274, separates Loppington into three distinct portions.-

1. Burleton, formerly given to William de Burweltone with a daughter of Alexander de Lopinton, had been still more thoroughly alienated by Richard de Lopinton, now living. He had enfeoffed Sir John fitz Alan "in the homage and service of the Lord of Burweltone", that is, he had sold the Mesne tenure. "Hence", said the Pimhill Jurors, "the King might probably lose wardship and custody". [3]

2. That half of Lopinton (proper), which had originally gone to Adam le Strange, had been given in fee, by John le Strange of Lopinton, [4] to the Abbot of Lilleshull. The Abbot had enfeoffed Sir William le Botiler, and the latter was now in possession. The Abbot

[1] Rot. Finium, II. 261.
[2] Chartulary (ut supra), No. I.
[3] In case of an heir of Loppington being in minority, and also in case of any heir of Burleton being coincidently under age.
[4] Probably son of William, son of Adam le Strange. William le Strange was living in 1255, and was one of the Jurors for Pimhill Hundred at the Inquest of that year.


had included this estate in his Liberty, and had withdrawn the suit thereof (from County and Hundred).

3. The other half of Lopinton (proper) was still held in capite by Richard de Lopinton (II).

Soon after this Inquest was taken, Richard de Lopinton (II) sold this last remaining share of his inheritance to the same William le Botiler as had obtained the second share. And this was apparently with consent of the Crown: for on January 10, 1278, "the King accepted the homage of William le Botiler, son and heir of Ralph le Botiler of Wemme, for the Manor of Lopinton, which the said William had by concession of the Abbot of Lilleshull and of Richard de Lopinton". [1]

William le Botiler's Father, Ralph, was living at this time, but died in 1281. The Pymhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 says, with great accuracy, that "William le Buttiler holds Loppynton of the King in capite, by service of one Knight's-fee for the aforesaid vill". The Tenure-Roll of 1284, usually known as Kirby's Quest, says, with great inaccuracy, both as to names and facts, that Richard de Lopiton holds Hopiton and Burghulton of the King in capite".

William le Botiler of Wem died in or before December 1283, not seized of the Barony of Wem, which was still in the hands of his mother, but seized of Lopinton, where his estate was valued at 2. 19s. 8d. per annum.

Gawan le Botiler, second son and eventual heir of the above William, died, as we have seen, in 1290. [3] His seizin of only two-thirds of Loppington was probably because the widow of his elder brother, John, had her dower therein.

At the Assizes of 1292 the Pymhill Jurors presented that "William le Botyler had withdrawn the suit of half Lopynton from the Sheriff's Tourn 30 years back". This gives the proximate date of the purchase of one moiety of Loppinton from the Abbot of Lilleshull. As to the matter of withdrawal, that could not be gone into, because the heir of Loppington (erroneously called "E.
[4] son of William le Botiler") was in minority.

As to the vicissitudes which had befallen the collective Manor of Loppington and Burleton, the Pimhill Jurors of 1292 add something to our previous information. They said that Alexander de Lopinton's original feoffment of William de Borelton reserved only the service of one-third of a knight's-fee, and that Richard de

[1] Rot. Finium, 6 Edw. I., m. 27.
[2] Supra, Vol IX. p. 173.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 174.
[4] The youth's name was William.


Lopinton, heir of Alexander (he was his grandson), sold that service to John fitz Alan. However, the service by which Burleton was held at the time of that sale must have been three-fourths of a Fee, as settled in the Fine of 1240.

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316, William le Botiller (II) is entered as Lord of Franketon, Lopinton, and Burwalton. This, as regards Franketon, I cannot understand. At his death in 1334, William le Botiler (II) was seized of nothing there. Of Loppington he had probably made some settlement during his life; for his son and heir, William le Botiler (III), settled that Manor in tail, by a Fine of 1343. Loppington indeed continued to be part of the Barony of Wem for several generations, descending to the Lord Ferrers of Wem, and to the Barons Greystock, in the mode indicated on a former page. [1]

BURLETON, consisting of three out of the five Domesday hides of Loppington, was given in frank marriage to-

WILLIAM DE BURLETON, with the daughter of Alexander de Loppington. The full particulars have been told already. This was probably in the reign of Henry II. or Richard I.

JOHN DE BURLETON, probably son and heir of William, occurs incidentally from about 1195 to about 1220. [2] At the Assizes of November 1221, John de Burleton had apparently been succeeded by-

ROBERT DE BURLETON, for the latter was impleaded by Richard de Lopinton for 7 acres of bosc in Burghelton, which the said Richard claimed as heir of Alexander de Lopinton, his Father. Robert de Burghelton paid half a merk for license to compound this suit. This was that Robert de Burleton who, in 1240, readjusted the service by which Burleton was held under the Lord of Loppington. The next head of this family was-

JOHN DE BURLETON (II), who occurs as a witness about 1256-7. He further occurs on a local Jury in 1274. It was during his time that Burleton became separated from Loppington and annexed to the Fief of Fitz Alan; a status which it retained ever afterwards.

WILLIAM DE BURLETON (II) occurs on a local Jury in December 1291, but was apparently deceased in January 1301. It then transpired that John de Burleton (II) had enfeoffed Robert Corbet of Morton and his wife Matilda, conjointly, in half a virgate in Burleton. This half-virgate was now held by the said Matilda under the "heir of William de Burleton". [3]

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 22.
[2] Supra, p. 74; infra, pp. 234-5.
[3] Inquis. 29 Ed. I., No. 45.



Loppington was originally in the great Saxon Parish of Baschurch. The Lords of Loppington founded the subject Church;- apparently after some arrangement with the Rectors of Baschurch, for the Pension which Baschurch had from Loppington implies as much. [1] About 1190 (as we have seen) Alexander de Loppington gave the Advowson of Loppington to Wombridge Priory. A Deed in the Wombridge Chartulary, ascribed to "Henry Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England", should have stood, as I doubt not it originally stood, as a Deed of H., Archbishop of Canterbury, etc., that is of Hubert Walter. It probably passed in 1193-5, subsequent to which that famous Prelate would have used his added title of "Legate of the Apostolick See". It appears from this Deed that there had been a dispute of long standing between the Canons of Wombridge and one Radulf Valenseus, a Clerk, about this Church. The Archbishop decides that "the Canons are to be no longer molested by any claim of Radulf, but for charity and for the sake of peace, and for the soul of the most illustrious King Henry, are to pay him three merks yearly, out of the goods of their Church, viz. by half-yearly instalments on June 25 and Dec. 25". [2] I suppose the above Radulf claimed to be Rector of Loppington by some other title than the Canons' presentation.

On July 25, 1232, the Church of Loppington was vacant, and "Alexander, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, expedited a Charter, allowing the Prior and Canons of Wombridge to appropriate it, saving a competent provision for the future Vicar, and saving all pontifical and parochial rights of the Bishop, of his Successors, and of the Churches of Coventry and Lichfield". It was the "praise-worthy conversation" and also the "poverty" of the Wombridge Canons which ostensibly moved the Bishop to the aforesaid step. [3] The Taxation of 1291 values the Church of Lopington (in the Deanery and Archdeaconry of Salop) at 5 per annum, besides a pension of 2s., which the Vicar of Bassechurch received therefrom. [4]

In 1341 the Assessors of the Ninth quoted the above Taxation as one of 5, and reduced it to 3 for the current Levy. The reasons were, because a great part of the land lay fallow and unfilled, the tenants being poverty-stricken, because there had been a general

[1] Supra, page 139.
[2] Chartulary (ut supra), No. V.
[3] Chartulary (ut supra), No. III.
[4] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247, b.


murrain among the live-stock, and because the Glebe and small tithes went to increase the Church-Taxation, but were irrelevant to the present assessment. [1]

On Sept. 5, 1374, Robert, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, confirms the appropriation of Loppington Church, as allowed by his predecessor, Alexander. He further ordains the future Vicarage, viz. "the Vicar was to have, for his manse, that messuage and those buildings and half-virgate in Lopinton, heretofore held by Richard Steven, at farm under Wombridge Priory. The Vicar was also to have all the small tithes and oblations of the Parish, and all the fruits, rents, and spiritualities, including the wheat-tithes of all Lopington Parish and the hay-tithes of Burleton. The Vicar was to minister to the Church and Parishioners, congruously in all things, at his own cost; but the Rectors were to undertake all other burdens, ordinary and extraordinary, incumbent on the Church". [2]

Much to the credit of Bishop Stretton is this qualification of the iniquitous looseness of his predecessor. The result is seen in the Valor of 1534-5. All the tithes of Loppington which the Canons of Wombridge had to dispose of were set at an annual farm of 3. 16s. 8d. [3] At the same time Humphry Clay, Vicar of Lopynton, had an income of 6. 13s. 4d., less 1s. 3d. for annual synodals. [4]


There is no appearance of any Vicars having been canonically instituted to this Church till after Bishop Stretton had ordained the Vicarage. The following were all presented by the Prior and Convent of Wombridge:-

BROTHER JOHN DYNMOWE, a Canon of Wombridge, was instituted on Sept. 5, 1374, to the newly constituted Vicarage of Loppington.

BROTHER RICHARD DE MADELEGH, Canon of Wombridge, was instituted March 12, 1377, but resigned immediately.

BARTHOLOMEW DE GRENHULL, [5] Priest, instituted April 1, 1377, resigned in 1382.

RICHARD BORREY, Priest, instituted Oct. 23, 1382, resigned in 1411.

SIR ROGER TURNER, Chaplain, was instituted Oct. 2, 1411.

SIR ROGER ELLESMERE resigned this Vicarage in 1416.

[1] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 183-b.
[2] Chartulary (ut supra), No. IV.
[3] [4] Valor Eccles. III. pp. 194, 183.
[5] Vide supra, Vol. VIII. p. 50.



THIS important Manor was held in demesne, successively by the Saxon Earls of Mercia, and the Norman Earls of Shrewsbury. Domesday surveys it as follows.- Ipse Comes tenet Ellesmeles. Eduinus Comes tenuit. Ibi IIII hidae et dimidia. In dominio sunt V carrucae; et V Bovarii, et XXXVI Villani, et XIIII Bordarii cum II Presbyteris, habent XIIII carrucas. Ibi Molinum. T.R.E. reddebat X libras de firma. Modo (reddit) XX libras. De eodum Manerio tenet Mundret I hidam, et Rainaldus I hidam. Ibi habent II carrucas, et IIII servos, et IIII Villanos et VII Bordarios, cum III carrucis et dimidia. Valet XXIII solidos". [1]

As we approach the Borders, the histery of small estates will become hardly traceable, and that of greater Manors very fragmentary. However, there are points of exceeding interest which attach to Ellesmere, even in the dark century which followed Domesday. The first fact which transpires affects the single hide held by Rainaldus. This Rainaldus was no other than Rainald the Sheriff. The hide he held was Lea, and he gave it, within 10 years after Domesday, to Shrewsbury Abbey.- "Rainaldus frater Guarini dedit eis villam quae dicitur Lega", says Earl Roger in his Charter to Shrewsbury Abbey, and Earl Roger died in 1093-4. King William II.'s Confirmation contains the very same words. Henry I.'s Confirmation of 1121 is still more explicit;- "Rainaldus vero frater Warini Vicecomitis dedit unam hidam quae vocatur Lega". The Confirmations of Stephen, Henry II., and Henry III. repeat the statement in terms which present no further illustration of the main fact.

Now follows a much more general theme.- Ellesmere was the most important of several Border Manors which King Henry I. bestowed on William Peverel, of Dover, one of those Brethren to whom I have before alluded, [2] as enjoying the high favour of that Monarch, though their origin is wrapped in mystery. A solitary event is all that we can trace of William Peverel's dealings at Ellesmere. "He unjustly deprived the Monks of Shrewsbury of their estate at Lea". We have seen that William Peverel, of Dover, as well as his brother, Hamo Peverel, of High Ercall, was deceased before the year 1138,

[1] Domesday, fo. 253, b, 2.
[2] Supra, Vol. II. p. 105.


and the heirship of these mighty Barons was ostensibly divided between their brother's son, William Peverel (II), of Dover and of Brun, and Walcheline Maminoht, who, I think, was their sister's son. By two mere accidents we are able to associate the names of both these youths with the history of Ellesmere.- Ordericus, describing that outbreak against Stephen which took place in the summer of 1238, gives the following local and personal particulars.- Gualchelinus autem cognomento Maminot tenuit Doveram. Guillielmus vero juvenis cognomento Peverellus quatuor oppida habebat: id est Brunam, Elesmaram, Obretonam et Guitentonam, [1] et his turbidus augebat rebellantium turmam. As to Walcheline Maminot's concern with Ellesmere it is evidenced in the Charter whereby he restored Lea to the Monks of Shrewsbury, "after consulting the men of Ellesmere as to the Monks' title, and because he was anxious to liberate his late Uncle's soul from the pains of sacrilege". This curious Charter, though printed elsewhere, [2] I cannot refrain from transcribing.-

Walchelinus Maminot omnibus parentibus et amicis suis, et universis fidelibus Sanctae Ecclesiae satutem. Sciatis quod homines de Ellesmera confessi sunt coram me et militibus meis quod avuculus meus Willielmus Peverel injuste abstulit terram de Lega a Monachis de Salopesberia. Quod ego audiens, per consilium hominum meorum, studui liberare animam avunculi mei et animas eorum qui hoc ei consilium dederunt de poena istius peccati; reddidique Sancto Petro et Monachis eandem terram, ita solutam et quietam, ut nullus successorum meorum amplius de ea calumpniam habeat. Et ideo precor omnes qui post me venturi sunt, ut hanc terram nulla unquam calumpnia impediat, quia pro certo didici ab hominibus meis quod avunculus meus malum inde consilium habuit.

How Ellesmere fared when Shrewsbury fell before the Usurper, Stephen, we cannot guess. The subsequent demonstrations of William Peverel in the cause of the Empress were not on the Borders of Wales, but in the South of England. This noble youth, sickened with civil war, but still animated with an heroic spirit of self-devotion, at length found his grave in Palestine. I have said much of his collateral heirs under High Ercall. It is clear that

[1] Ordericus, Vol V. p. 111. (Augustus le Provost.) The learned Author's note identifies these places with "Bryn (situation unknown), Ellesmere (Shropshire), Overton or Orton (Rutlandshire), and Geddington (Northants)". Only Ellesmere is rightly identified. The others are Bourne (Cambridgeshire), Overton (Flintshire), and Whittington (Shropshire).
[2] Monasticon, III. 522, No. XII.


Ellesmere was one of those Manors from which the Coheirs of Peverel, no less than Walcheline Maminot himself, were excluded on the restoration of Henry II. Ellesmere came to that King's hand as a Manor of ancient demesne, whose fiscal value was 10 of the 265. 15s. which was settled to be the Ferm of Shropshire.

Diceto is confirmed by the Pipe-Rolls in giving 1174 as the year in which David ap Owen, Prince of North Wales, married Emma, the Sister of King Henry II. [1] I suppose this Lady to have been (like Hameline Plantagenet, Earl of Surrey) one of the illegitimate children of Geoffrey, Earl of Anjou. There are evidences, on the Pipe-Roll of 1176, of the wife of David ap Owen having visited her brother. The Burgesses of Brug and Salop had respectively supplied 7. 2s. and 1. 15s. in corrodies for the "King's Sister, wife of David fitz Oen", and this by the King's order. It was at Oxford, and probably in May 1177, that the King in full Council is said to have conferred "the land of Ellesmare on David fitz Owain, who had married his Sister". It does not appear that the Contemporary Sheriff was allowed to deduct anything from the ferm of Shropshire by reason of this grant. Nevertheless the actuality of the grant is undoubted. Cricket was a member of Ellesmere, and we have a Charter whereby, about the year 1195, "David ap Owen and Emma his wife, at request of Owen, their son and heir, gave the whole land of Crikcote to Haghmon, together with pannage for 100 swine. Witnesses,- John de Burcheltun, Einion de Hordeley, Reiner, Parson of Ellesmere". [3]

On April 10, 1200, King John (by Charter, dated at Worcester) extended the most ample protection to Emma, wife of David ap Owen, her lands and possessions, and ordered that she should not be impleaded, except before the King himself, for any tenement which she held on that day when Henry II. gave her the Manors of Ellesmere and Hales. [4]

Hales was afterwards called Hales-Owen, from Owen, son of this Emma. The reason that Emma is here spoken of as "Lady of Ellesmere and Hales", was because her husband was now suffering his third year of imprisonment at the hands of his Nephew, Lewellyn. During the latter part of David ap Owen's imprisonment, that is, in September and October 1203, it is apparent that Ellesmere was in the hands of King John. Some evidence of this will transpire under Stockett, but here, I should observe that, at

[1] See Madox's Exchequer, p. 251-k.
[2] Hoveden, p. 323-b.
[3] Haughmond Chartulary, Tit. Crikcote.
[4] Rot. Chartarum, p. 44.


Michaelmas 1203, the Sheriff of Shropshire charges the King 100s. which be had expended in repairs at Ellesmere Castle. It is also worth notice that, at the Shropshire Assizes of October 1203, the Villate of Ellesmere was represented by its Provost and Jurors, like other Manors of Royal demesne. Among their presentments were two of murder. Peter fitz Alan had slain one Aldred, and had been outlawed at the suit of John de Buregeton (Burleton). Also Roger, a tenant of Robert de Girros, having slain Simon, a serviens of the said Robert, had taken sanctuary in the first instance, but had since acknowledged his guilt and abjured the Realm.

David ap Owen, once Prince of North Wales, was released from prison by Lewellyn, and died in 1204. There is no appearance that King John restored either him or his son Owen to their rights at Ellesmere. It was probably during bis father's lifetime and imprisonment, that the said Owen, having a talem qualem claim to Ellesmere, confirmed his father's grant to Haghmon Abbey. As "Owen, son of David, and for the souls' health of himself, his father, and mother, he confirmed the Canons in possession of Crikcote, and in their rights of pannage in Nordwode. Witnesses,- John de Burhelton; Reyner, Clerk; Roger, Clerk; Einion de Hordeley; Reiner de Franketon; William de Hockton; Ralph de Lega; Simon de Jagedon".

It seems that King John did not at any time encourage the pretensions of his cousin Owen to the throne of North Wales. Before the King had been five months on the throne he had, on the other hand, openly recognised the claims of Lewellyn ap Jorworth, and taken him under his protection. In July 1201 a Treaty was concluded between John and Lewellyn, the latter undertaking to do fealty to the King as soon as he should return into England. (The King was then at Paris.) Further negotiations ensued. At Michaelmas 1204 it is again apparent that John was in possession of Ellesmere, for the Pipe-Roll of that date shows that Ellesmere Castle had been repaired at the King's expense. On October 14, 1204, King John orders the Sheriff of Warwickshire to value Robert de Harcourt's Manor of Illandon, and to give 13 librates therein to Owen fitz David, in exchange for Owen's land of Ellesmere, which the King had retained for his own use. [1] Again, on Nov. 5, 1205, King John assigns to the same Owen 15 Librates of land in Waltham (Lincolnshire). [2] So far John seems to have treated his Cousin with justice, for he had never promised him a

[1] [2] Rot. Claus. pp. 12, 56.


throne. Meanwhile the King's policy towards Lewellyn had reached its result. Passing over Letters of safe-conduct, and invitations to meet the King, we come to the month of August 1204, when it is evident that John had bribed Lewellyn's minister, Ostruc, with an annuity of 100s. and a promise of Church preferment. Before Oct. 15, 1204, Lewellyn had married the King's natural daughter, Joan; and the King orders the Sheriff of Shropshire to assign 20 librates of lands as the marriage portion bestowed by the King. [1] The assignment took place, partly at least, in Ellesmere; for from Christmas 1291 the fiscal value of Ellesmere (10 per annum) is deducted from the Sheriff's liabilities, as given to Lewellyn of Wales (Leulino Walensi). A Patent of March 23, 1205, instructs Thomas de Erdinton, then Custos of Ellesmere Castle, to give the same up to Lewellyn. [2] A Writ-Close, to the same effect, is directed to the Sheriff of Shropshire, in which the King styles Lewellyn "our beloved Son". On April 16, 1205, King John being at Dover, certifies by Charter how he had given to Lewellyn, Prince of North Wales, the Castle of Ellesmere, with all its lands and appurtenances, in marriage with the aforesaid Joan, the King's daughter, and with remainder to the heirs of their bodies;- saving all other agreements, made between the King and Prince, touching the said land and marriage. [3] In January 1209 we begin to hear of excesses committed by the Welsh Prince, and of the Earl of Chester's watch over his movements being sanctioned and encouraged by King John. Nevertheless the King continued to bribe Lewellyn's Clerk (here called Instructus) with Church preferment, and to send messengers to the Prince himself. At Michaelmas 1209 Lewellyn was yet undisturbed in the fiscal assignation of the whole profits of Ellesmere, viz. 10 per annum for the two years then ended. A Writ-Close of August 3, 1212, implies the previous rebellion of Lewellyn against his Father-in-law; [4] and we hear no more for the present of any pecuniary advantage resulting to him as Lord of Ellesmere. It is probable indeed that he had been deprived of Ellesmere Castle some time before he forfeited the estate. I suppose Bartholomew Toret to be the person addressed as Bartholomew Turot in a threatening letter of December 18, 1208; but how he became Castellan of Ellesmere does not appear.- " As he loves his own body and all his possessions", King John orders him, "as soon as he sees this Writ, to deliver up the Castle of Eselmere to William Earl of Salisbury, the

[1] Rot. Claus. Vol. I. p. 12.
[2] Rot. Patent. p. 51, b.
[3] Rot. Chartarum, p. 147.
[4] Supra, Vol. III. p. 70.


King's brother, and to Thomas de Erdinton, who are to keep it by the King's wish". [1]

A Tenure-Roll of June 1211 shows Robert Lupus as holding the Manor of Ellesmere, de balliva Regis Johannis as the phrase was, that is, only as a temporary trust at the King's pleasure. The Exchequer value of the Manor, viz. 10 per annum, is at the same time certified. [2]

In 1212 the Justices of the Forest amerced the town of Ellesmere 20s. for some fault; but the Rolls of 14 years following show that the debt was not paid. A Writ-Close of August 23, 1214, orders Peter, Bishop of Winchester and Justice of England, to give custody of Ellesmere, either to Thomas de Erdinton, Sheriff of Shropshire, or to John Marescall, Sheriff of Lincolnshire, whichever he should find most convenient.

King Henry III. entered early in his reign on negotiations with Lewellyn: One symptom of this is the restoration of Ellesmere to the Prince. The Pipe-Roll of 1220 assigns him 30, or three years' fiscal value of Ellesmere; and the Pipe-Roll of Michaelmas 1221 gives him 10 for the year then ended, and on the same account. On July 2, 1221, the King being at Shrewsbury, allows Lewellyn, Prince of North Wales, to hold a weekly Market on Tuesdays at his Manor of Ellesmere till the King should be of age. [4] As far as the Pipe-Rolls are evidence, Lewellyn continued to be Lord of Ellesmere till Michaelmas 1230; but the Roll of 1231 leaves a blank in the item, Ellesmere, where Llewellyn's name should have stood, aud shows by a supplementary entry that the Sheriff of Shropshire was answerable for the issues of the Manor as an escheat. The sequence of events which corresponded with the above fiscal accounts has been marked under Condover. [5] Suffice it to repeat that with the year 1231 and the campaign of Elvein, were closed all Lewellyn's pretensions to the bounty of King Henry III.

I should now mark one or two circumstances which characterized the period of Lewellyn's tenure of this Manor. Between the years 1205 and 1208, as "Prince of North Wales", he confirmed and enfranchised certain acquisitions which the Canons of Haghmon had made in Newton, near Ellesmere.-

A Westminster Plea-Roll of Hilary Term 1221 marks for consultation with the Crown the circumstance of Llewellyn having made pourpresture on the King in his Hundreds of Chirbury and Ellesmere,

[1] Rot. Patent. 10 John, m. 3.
[2] Testa de Nevill, p. 56.
[3] [4] Rot. Claus. I. 171, 463.
[5] Supra, Vol. VI. pp. 13, 14.


the inhabitants whereof would not or did not make appearances before the King's Justices. At the Shrewsbury Assizes of November 1221 the Jurors of Pimhill Hundred represented that the "Church of Ellesmere, worth 20 merks yearly, ought to be in the King's gift"; and how "Lewellyn held the Manor by the King's authority", and how "the Manor came not to answer before the King's Justices, as it was wont". Ideo ad judicium de eis are the words appended to this presentment; meaning, I presume, that the Court reserved the points raised, for higher consideration. After the period of Lewellyn's reign in Ellesmere, and as soon after as the year 1232, the Town was amerced by Justices of the Forest sitting at Shrewsbury.

From the year 1232 to the year 1283 inclusive, that part of each Shropshire Pipe-Roll which we call the Corpus Comitattis contains an entry in the following or in some tantamount form of words.- in terris datis. Et ... 10 in Ellesmere de quibus compotus debet reddi per se. The meaning of this is that Ellesmere was permanently excepted from the Corpus Comitatus; that it was not given, out and out, to any individual, nor was the Sheriff to farm it on the old principle of paying 10 per annum; that, whether farmed by the Sheriff, or by a Custos, or given temporarily to a subject, Ellesmere was expected to form the subject of a separate account or schedule, entered on the lower part of each Pipe-Roll. Such a Schedule appears, however, very seldom, owing, I think, to the exceptional way in which the Crown dealt with this Manor. From 1232 to 1241 the contemporary Sheriffs had custody of Ellesmere, but without rendering any specific account. In the year 1242 the Sheriff, John le Strange, had expended, 21. 3s. 4d. on the Castle-works. He charged the sum to the Crown, but it was given him to understand for the future that he was to maintain the custody of the Castle out of the profits of the Manor. Such an arrangement fully accounts for the subsequent omission of any balanced statement. In 1248, when John le Strange was succeeded in the Shrievalty by Thomas Corbet, and in 1250, when Corbet gave way to Grendon, Ellesmere Castle was in each instance specified as an item of trust. [1] On the Pipe-Roll of 1253 we have a regular account of Thomas Corbet's receipts from Ellesmere between 1248 and 1250. From Easter 1248 to Easter 1249 the assized rents of Ellesmere and its members were 16. 3s., the Pleas and perquisites of Court were 8. 3s. 7d. From Easter 1249 to Easter 1250 the gross receipts

[1] Supra, Vol. I. pp. 278, 279.


were 21. 9s. 11d. The whole sum of 45. 16s. 6d. still remained due from Corbet to the Crown.

By a Patent of July 20, 1253, the King announces that he had demised the Manor and Hundred of Ellesmere to John de Grey, for a term of 15 years, at an annual rent of 20. This arrangement was in force when the Inquest of 1255 was taken. The Pimhill Jarors reported that "the Manor of Ellesmere had withdrawn from those usual responsibilities to the County which other Manors of the King were wont to observe; and this withdrawal was of two years standing, and was effected by Sir John de Grey, and involved 20s. annual damage to the Crown". [1] It is very remarkable that the Assize-Roll of January 1256 gives Gilbert fitz Roger, Bailiff of Ellesmere, as duly attending to represent the Manor, but that he was unaccompanied by a single Juror. I doubt not that this irregularity was caused by John de Grey, who appears to have made it his business to abridge the King's prerogatives at Ellesmere. In 1256 it seems to have been expected that the Sheriff (Hugh de Acovere) should account something (the sum left blank) for the profits arising from the sale of fish taken in the King's Meres at Ellesmere. Hugh de Acovere had been appointed to custody of the Castles and Counties of Salop and Staffordshire, on Oct. 30, 1255, with the understanding that he was to pay a Proficuum, or increased ferm of 26. 13s. 4d., and take custody of the Castles generally, at his own cost. On June 12, 1256, he is ordered to displace John de Grey from the custody of Ellesmere Castle and Manor. John de Grey had a corresponding order to surrender the premises; the Patent reciting that, though the term of his tenure was unexpired, he had forfeited it by judgment of the Barons of the Exchequer. Another Patent of the same day appoints three Justiciars (Odo de Hodnet, Stephen de Buterley, and Roger de Pwelesdon) to make a general valuation of Ellesmere. A third Patent, of Oct. 17, 1256, informs the Sheriff of Shropshire and the Tenants of Ellesmere that the King has granted the Manor to his son Edward, for a term of 10 years and a rent of 30 per annum.

It is not difficult to reconcile the above with Hugh de Acovere's account as Sheriff at Michaelmas 1257. He had expended the great sum of 116. 9s. 4d. in repairing the three Castles of Brug, Salop, and Ellesmere, under view of William Barel and Richard fitz Herbert, as regarded Ellesmere. He had further repaired the King's house in Ellesmere Castle at a cost of 5. 10s. 9d. This was all by

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.


the King's Order. It is evident that the Sheriff's original contract had been modified under recent exigencies, even if Ellesmere was not at the moment destined to be a residence for Prince Edward. This same Pipe-Roll of 1257 contains a schedule of John de Grey's liabilities, as late Fermor of Ellesmere. From July 1253 to June 12, 1256, is reckoned as 2 years. His debt was therefore 55, but it was more than balanced by his over-outlay as recorded in the Pipe-Roll of Buckinghamshire. For the interval between Grey's surrender and Prince Edward's seizin of Ellesmere, Hugh de Acovere accounted.

I have elsewhere quoted a Patent of June 23, 1258, which shows that Peter de Montfort was thrust upon the King an Custos of Bridgnorth Castle by the Parliament of Oxford.
[1] Something of the same kind happened in respect of Ellesmere; and another Patent of june 30, empowers Peter de Montfort to levy customs for five years, to enable him to wall the town of Ellesmere. [2] A Patent of November 11, 1259, gives Peter de Montfort custody of the Manor of Stretton till Whitsunday next, as also of the Castle and Manor of Ellesmere, previously entrusted to him. It was now, I presume, that Peter de Montfort purchased or obtained the adjacent Manors of Coolmere and Hampton from their respective owners. [3]

The Pipe-Roll of 1257, 1258, and 1259 debit Prince Edward with 90, for three years' ferm of Ellesmere, but without any instalment being paid, then or afterwards. On November 22, 1263, Hamo le Strange was appointed Custos of the Castles of Shrewsbury, Brug, and Montgomery. He had already been employed in the King's service since the year 1255, and had received a fixed salary of 30 merks per annum. A Patent of December 16, 1263, gives him seizin of the Manor, Castle, and Hundred of Ellesmere, with all appurtenances, for 17 years to come, and in lieu of the said salary. Another Patent of Dec. 24, 1263, shows the King's exigencies, in that he had recourse to the unusual expedient of appointing Keepers of the Peace for the Counties of Salop and Stafford. Roger de Mortimer, John fitz Alan, James de Audley, John de Verdon, and Hamo le Strange (Sheriff already) were the five Commissioners, and we may be sure that in this appointment the King was uncontrolled by the Barons' party. But the junction of the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, in March 1264, [4] threw the King at once on other resources. On the 20th of that month, being at Oxford,

[1] Supra, Vol. I. p. 280.
[2] Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 801-a.
[3] Supra, pp. 93, 196.
[4] Vide supra, page 218.


he writes to Hamo le Strange, bidding him come at once to Court, with horses, arms, and loyal followers, ready to give advice on the state of affairs. The King promises to pay his expenses, and tells him to induce the Knights of the above two Counties to accompany him.

It will be remembered that the Battle of Lewes, fought on May 14, 1264, made King Henry the prisoner of Simon de Montfort. A Pseudo-Patent of July 18, following, enjoins the Knights and lieges of Shropshire to aid the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester with horses and arms against those who opposed the King and detained his Castles in the Marches of Wales. Subsequent letters, whether cajoling, threatening, or denouncing Hamo le Strange, [1] show that his loyalty remained firm, till the misfortune of Lewes was retrieved at Evesham. It is even possible that Hamo le Strange continued to hold Ellesmere during this interval; for I nowhere find evidence of the place having been occupied by any of Leicester's party. On the other hand, we have a Pseudo-Patent of June 18, 1265, which shows Montfort's treason to both his King and Country in the most revolting aspect. The King, then a Prisoner at Hereford, is made to offer or grant the following favours to Lewellyn, for the price of 30,000 merks, viz. remission of the King's enmity; the Principality of North Wales; Castle Matilda (in Elvein); and the Hundred of Ellesmere. Further, the King promises to aid the said Lewellyn in the conquest of any lands which were in the hands of the adversaries of the King or Prince. It is obvious that this Patent was levelled personally against Hamo le Strange and the Marchers of Shropshire, and that Montfort was ready to betray the integrity of the realm, rather than forego a political grudge. Yet this is the man whom certain Writers on the English Constitution love to glorify as one of its greatest Founders. From this disgusting episode we may pass to events of another complexion.-

On Feb. 21, 1267, the enfranchised King, then at St. Edmundbury, concedes the Manor, Castle, and Hundred of Ellesmere, and the Manor of Strattondale, to Hamo le Strange, in reward of the faithful services he was then rendering to the Crown; the premises, with all appurtenances, to be held by the said Hamo and his heirs, till such time as the King should provide the said Hamo, out of his escheats, with 100 librates of land in some competent situation. And if, at such time, the said Hamo or his heirs should be found to have spent anything in repairs or improvements (at Ellesmere or

[1] Vide supra, Vol. I. pp. 284, 285.


Stretton), they should be entitled to retain the said Manors till they had been reimbursed. [1]

We have seen that Hamo le Strange, probably when thus reseized of Ellesmere, purchased Coolmere and Welch-hampton from Sir Peter de Montfort, and enfeoffed his brother Roger in all three estates. From the date at which this feoffment necessatily took place, and the fact that Hamo le Strange was deceased in March 1274, I should rather suppose that he was one of the Crusaders who accompanied Prince Edward in 1270. I think I have somewhere seen other evidence suggestive of the same fact. If it were so, doubtless this great Royalist perished in the service of the Cross, as, it will be remembered, another Lord of Ellesmere had done before. Be that as it may, his feoffment of his brother in Ellesmere was dearly ultra vires; and the difficulties which Roger le Strange had in obtaining possession, extended to his better title in respect of Coolmere and Hampton.

In November 1274, Ellesmere was as yet in the hands of Edward I. His Escheator for Cheshire (Adam de Chetwynd) had custody of the Castle, and, as the Pimhill Jurors alleged, had appropriated 100 shillings' worth of timber, which was provided for building (or rebuilding) the said Castle, to his own use, carrying it to his own house at Aldredescote. The saute Jurors complained that the men of Ellesmere did not render suit before the King's Justices, as they had been used to do down to the time of Roger de Thurkelby's Eyre, [2] and as other Royal Manors did. [3]

In 1276 (as we have seen under Coolmere [4]) Ellesmere was settled by King Edward on Sir Roger le Strange for life, with remainder to the Crown. On October 28, 1280, Ellesmere, like other estates of this Baron, was minutely surveyed by Commissioners. Their Report (so far as it is legible) contains many curious particulars, and some idea of the great extent of territory implied by the words "Manor and Hundred of Ellesmere". The Ellesmere virgate seems to have consisted of 81 acres. The Lord of the Manor held 4 virgates or 324 acres in demesne, worth, at 4d. per acre, 6. 0s. 8d. per annum. The Fines and amercements of the Borough-Court exceeded 30s. There was an Assize on every brewing of beer; realizing 20s. yearly. Two Mills, the Fishery of all the Vivaries, except that of Coolmere, and a garden, were items of demesne.

[1] Rot. Patent. 51 Hen. IIL [2] This Eyre was in November 1848; and was probably the last previous to John de Grey's introduction to Ellesmere.
[3] Rot. Hundred. II. 105.
[4] Supra, page 197.


The Fines, amercements, and Heriots of the (Manorial?) Court were 6. 13s. 3d. The gross income from the above, and other similar sources, was 28. 0s. 3d. The Rents of Tenants in Burgage amounted to 3. 2s. 6d. per annum.

Then follows a list of Liberi Tementes, with their rents, services, and holdings. I select the following.-

Madoc fitz Ralph held 4 virgates:- Rent 2s., or a hawk.

David de Otley held 3 virgates:- Rent 2s. 2d. Services,- to abide 40 days, during war, in Ellesmere Castle, at the Tenant's expense: a heriot of one cuirass at the Tenant's death.

Edenevet de Stokes. Services,- Suit of Court, and his Arms as a Heriot.

The Lady of Lunyal (now Lineal) held 5 virgates and some Assarts. Rent 2s. Service,- to victual the men-at-arms (in the Castle). Heriot,- the Tenant's best beast.

Stephen de Fraunketon held 4 virgates in Ellesdon (now Elson), 1 bovate in Wodehouses, and 1 bovate in Otale. Rent 22s.

William de Gesnok held half a virgate. Service,- to keep the Lord's woods. Meuric held one-third, and Lewelin Vaghan held two-thirds, of the vill of Grenhul (Greenhill). Lewelin Vaghan and his brethren held the vill of Astwik (Eastwick). Gurgenew fitz Madoc, Madoc fitz Yareford, Wyn Vaghan and Lewelin fitz Wylim held the;rill of Herdewik (Hardwick). Rent 6s. 8d.

Adam de Rugge and others held 4 virgates in Rugge (the Ridges). Service,- a fee (gersuma) of 2s. when any of the Tenants' daughters married.

Kenewric fitz Rouhard and other Welshmen held 4 virgates in the vill of Marton.

The Tenants of Horton paid 2s. rent, and were bound to victual the men-at-arms (in the Castle). The Tenants of Leye (Lee) paid a like rent and service. The Vill of Baggel paid 2s. rent. [1]

The Abbot of Hawemon held Stockeyth (Stocket), Newton, and Kenewic. Services,- Suit of Court, and to victual the men-at-arms.

Richard fitz Stephen and others held 10 acres of assarts in Birche.

William Smith of Birche held half a virgate. Service,- to do the shoeing and ironwork of teams and Mills in the Manor, and, in wartime, to abide in the Castle and forge all necessary implements.

The amount of assarts specified in the Inquest was 195 acres;

[1] Bagley was a member of Baschurch. This rent was probably for some right of common in Ellesmere, enjoyed by the Abbot of Shrewsbury's tenants at Bagley.


but the whole Hundred of Ellesmere contained no less than 536 acres of assarts. [1]

On March 27, 1284, the Vills of Herdewyk and Merton, within the Hundred (that is the Franchise) of Ellesmere, were extended by an Inquest, over which Roger le Strange himself presided, and which was ordered by the King. It was found that Herdewyk contained 4 virgates, value 20s., less 6s. 8d. payable to the Lord of Ellesmere; and that Merton contained 4 virgates, value 16s., less 6s. 8d. payable to the same Lord. [2] The reason of the above inquiry appears in two Patents of May 9, 1284. The King confirms Roger le Strange's feoffments of Robert Body in 4 virgates at Hardwick, and of Philip, son of Robert de Say, in 4 virgates at Marton, and 10 acres at Horton. These estates had previously been tenanted by Madoc ap Yareford, Wyn Vaghan, Gurgenew Vaghan, Lewellyn ap Willym, Lonhargh ap Ryrit, Kenewrech ap Lonhargh, Ener ap Wyon, Griffit Gogh, Eynon Seys, Yevan ap Yarford, Madoc ap Yarforth, and other Welshmen, adherents of Lewellyn and Rebels against King Edward. On their forfeiture, it is obvious that Roger le Strange, as life-tenant of Ellesmere, could make no title-in-fee for any new tenants, except with consent of the King, as Reversioner. On March 11, 1309, King Edward II. orders Roger le Strange to facilitate another Royal Commission for taking an Extent of the Manor of Ellesmere. A Jury which assembled on March 24, included John le Clerk of Croulesmere, William de Othale, Edenevet de Gesnok, and William le Wolf. The sum total of their extent, or valuation, was 96. 17s. 7d. per annum, showing how greatly the value of such property had increased since the conquest of Wales. A few of the details of this Survey are worth transcribing.- The Castle itself was of no value beyond the cost of its maintenance: the boscs of Kertewykeswode and Northwude, and the moor of Leyemor, were among the appurtenances of the Manor; the Meres (stagna) of Ellesmere, Culghmere, Croulesmere, Swotlemere, Chetelmere, Poulesmere, Blakemere, and Whitemere, and other meres, with a weir at Warchet, were worth, in respect of the fishery thereof, 13. 6s. 8d. per annum, and not more, because the tenants fished when they pleased,

[1] Forest Roll, Salop, No. 14.

[2] Inquis. 12 Edw. I., No. 40. Among the Jurors on this Inquest were William le Wlf, Roger de Leftwik, Reyner de Lithe (Lyth), Maurice de Grenhull (Greenhill), Mathew de Kyrcote (Cricket), William de Dokeleye, Simon de Birche, and Adam, Reginald, Richard fitz Richard and Hugh fitz Hugh, all three of Tetneshull (now Tetchill).


except in the month of May, in Ellesmere-mere.- The following hamlets were enumerated as members of the Manor, viz. Croulesmere, Kynewike, Tetneshull, Berche, Newenes, Othale, Lythe, Woctelee, Herdewike, Crikott, Ellesdene, Stokes, Rugg, Mayswyan, Luneyale, and Grenhulle. The custom, or due, called potura satellitum, payable by certain tenants in time of peace, was worth 5. 6s. 8d. per annum; but it was not levied in wartime, being then involved in the general obligation to victual the Castle-guards. [1]

Roger le Strange died (as we have seen) on July 31, 1311; and of course Ellesmere instantly reverted to the Crown. On February 14, 1319, the King orders John de Bromfeld and Roger Karles to inquire concerning wastes and assarts in Ellesmere, viz. as to all grants, in fee, or for terms of life, made thereof by the late Roger le Strange. [2] The Inquest, which followed, resulted in a Patent of May 28, 1319, addressed to the above two Commissioners and to Richard Hord. Roger le Strange had made many such grants for his life, viz. 9 acres to William de Othale at 1d. per acre, 2 acres to Robert, Chaplain of Hampton, at a rent of 16d., etc. etc. The Commissioners are to convert all such arrentations into hereditary feoffments, and cause the said rents to be paid to John de Knokyn, who had already a grant of Ellesmere from the Crown, to hold for his life. [3] John de Knokyn, thus favoured, was living in March 1316, and was then Lord of Faintree, near Bridgnorth, and Fermor of the Staffordshire Hundred of Pirehill.

A Writ of Feb. 14, 1322, shows that Oliver de Ingham was then "Custos of the King's land of Ellesmere". He was required to raise 100 foot-soldiers from the Lordship of Ellesmere. Subsequently he appears as Justice of Chester, and as invested with trusts of far greater importance.

On Feb. 16, 1330, King Edward III. gave the Manor of Overton (Flintshire), the land of Mailorseisnek, the Manor of Grauncestre, and the Manor and Castle of Ellesmere, with the hamlets of Colmare and Hampton, to Eubolo le Strange and his wife Alice; [4]

[1] Inquisitions ad quod damnum, 2 Edw. II., No. 122.
[2] Ad quod damnum, 12 Edw. II. No. 126.
[3] Patent. 12 Edw. II., pars. 2, m. 9 dorso.
[4] Rot. Chartarum, 5 Edw. III., No. 83. This Alice was daughter and heir of Henry de Lacy, last Earl of Lincoln of that line, and widow of Thomas Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster (executed in 1321). Alice, whilst single, had given several castles and estates to Edward II. and to the two Despencers, all whioh had now devolved to Edward III., by inheritance from his father, or by forfeiture of the Despencers. It was because Eubolo le Strange was a valued servant of Edward III., and because he and his wife had quitclaimed the above Castles and estates to the King, that he thus granted Ellesmere and many other estates (enumerated more fully by Dugdale, Baronage, p. 668), to Eubulo and Alice and the heirs of Alice, to hold by the service of two knights'-fees. There were other Manors also, which Edward II. had given to Alice for her life only. These Edward III. now settled on her, and her husband, and on her husband's heirs, to hold as fully as the Earl of Lincoln held them.

A difficulty, which remains, is this, viz. that (as we shall see in the text) Ellesmere eventually went to the heirs of Eubolo le Strange, and not to the heirs of Alice.


which Eubolo was a younger son of John le Strange (V) of Knokyn, who died in 1309. This Eubolo died in 1335, without issue. Ellesmere then went to hia Nephew Roger, son of his elder Brother John le Strange (VI) of Knokyn, which Roger was already Baron of Knokyn, by death without issue of his elder brother,- John le Strange (VII).

ROGER LE STRANGE (I), Baron of Knokin and of Ellesmere, was deceased on August 10, 1349. The Inquest, taken soon afterwards, found him to have held the Fortalice and Hundred of Ellesmere, in capite of the King, by service of one-twentieth of a knight's-fee. [1]

ROGER LE STRANGE (II), of Knokyn and of Ellesmere, having been born on Feb. 2, 1326, was 23 years of age at his Father's death. I have only to add that Ellesmere continued with the Barons Strange of Knokyn till their heir general carried it to the Stanleys. Now, the Baronies of Knokyn and of Ellesmere, as well as that of Stanley, are in abeyance between the descendants and representatives of the three daughters and coheirs of Ferdinando Stanley, fifth Earl of Derby of his line.


The mention of two Priests in the Domesday Survey of Ellesmere, indicates not merely the pre-existence of a Church, but that, after the usual manner of Saxon Churches, it was collegiate. Subsequent evidences prove that it remained so till the 13th century. We have seen Reyner, Parson of Ellesmere, alias Reyner, Clerk, attesting about 1195 the two Deeds of David ap Owen and Owen ap David, the successive Lords of Ellesmere. [2] This Reiner was only a Portioner of Ellesmere. On August 30, 1214, King John, by Letters Patent presents William de Haverhull to that Prebend in the Church of Ellesmere which Reiner de Ellesmere had previously held, and which was in the King's Presentation. The Bishop Elect of

[1] Inquisitions, 23 Edw. III., part 2, 1st Numbers, No. 40.
[2] Vide supra, pages 234, 235.


(From a sketch taken in 1840).

[For engraving, see pdf.]


Coventry (as Diocesan) and the Bishop of Winchester (as Viceroy of England) were addressed on this subject, the King being at the time in Poitou. [1]

We are fortunate in being able to point out the succession of the second Prebend of Ellesmere at the identical period when Reyner was holding the first. One Geoffrey resigned it in the year 1205. Osric, or Ostric, or Instructus, the Chief Clerk of Lewellyn ap Jorwerth, then Lord of Ellesmere, was at the time an Annuitant of King John, with a promise of Church preferment. On December 29, 1205, the King presents "Astruc, Clerk of our beloved Lewelyn", to the vacant Prebend of Ellesmere, in lieu of the said Astruc's previous annuity of 100s. [2]

We have seen that in November 1221, though Lewellyn was Lord of Ellesmere, the Church, worth 20 merks per annum, was held to be of the King's Advowson. [3] It was nevertheless within the next four years that Lewellyn, either obtaining or usurping a right to this Advowson, granted it to the Knights Hospitallers of Jerusalem, located at Dongelwal in North Wales. The Prinoe's Charter is too curious a document to pass by, without an attempted trandcript.-

Omnibus Sancte Matris Ecclesiae filiis Leulinus Princeps de Aberfrau et Dominus Snaudoniae, salutem. Quod perpetua debet gaudere stabilitate et fidedignorum testimonio virorum debet debet confirmari, etc., vestra noscat universitas nos, pro salute animae nostrae concessisse et contulisse Domui Hospitalis Jerusalem de Dolgenwal et fratribus Deo et Sancto Johanni ibidem servientibus, totam Ecclesiam de Ellesmere, ad opus pauperum Christi, in puram et perpetuam elemosynam, prout melius ad nos pertinet, de jure patronatus, donacio sive presentacio; ita scilicet quod quandocunque porcio vacaverit in possessionem Fratrum cedet. Unde ad majorem cautelam duximus huic scripto nostrum apponere sigillum. Hiis testibus, Magistro Adam de Sancta Trinitate; Magistro Instructo Archipresbytero de Karkeby; Edneved Parvo, Senescallo; Ennyo Parvo; Oweno Camerario nostro; Togwared filio Eygyani; Grono filio Seysill; Helino filio Ydit; et multis atiis. Data apud Ruthin in octabis Sancti Martini a. r. Henrici Junioris, Regis Angliae, xmo (i.e. November 18, 1225). [4]

The Knights of St. John, at some unknown period, obtained an appropriation of this rich Benefice; and of course the Collegiate status of the Church vanished for ever.

[1] Patent. 16 John, m, 13.
[2] Claus. Vol. I. p. 60-b.
[3] Supra, page 238.
[4] Patent. 10 Edw. II , p. 1, m. 2.


The Taxation of 1291 makes the Vicarage of Ellesmere (in the Deanery and Archdeaconry of Salop) to be worth 5 per annum. [1]

On December 10, 1316, King Edward II., then at Clipston, receiving a Fine of 20 from the Hospitallers, inspected and confirmed the grant of Ellesmere Church made to them by Lewellyn, Prince of Wales, in 1225. [2]

The Survey of the Hospitallers' Estates, taken in 1338, contains the following items under the Bailiwick of Halston:-

Assized rents within the Hundred of Ellesmere: 4 0 0
The Church of Ellesmere, worth yearly: 46 13 4

Here doubtless we have the impropriated glebe and tithes of the ancient College. [3]

According to the Inquisition of the Ninth, taken in 1341, Ellesmere with most of its members was then reputed to be in Wales, and so exempt from the current impost. Four hamlets in the Parish were however assessable, and the Commissioners taxed them at 4. 6s. 8d., and not more, because of a general murrain which had devastated the sheepfolds. The hamlets in question were Franketon (English Frankton), Colende (read Colemere), Leghe (Lea), and Hampton (Welch Hampton). [4]

In 1348 and 1349 King Edward III. confirmed the Hospitallers in their possession of this Church by two several Patents. [5]

The Valor of 1534-5 gives 19 as the annual income of Roger Lee, Vicar of Ellesmere: which income was chargeable with 12s. for Procurations, and 10s. for Synodals. [6] The contemporary value of the Rectory, still held by the Hospitallers, I have not been able to discover.


Of the Co-Rectors of Ellesmere the only particulars which I can collect have already been given. [7] The following names of Vicars are to be found in the Diocesan Registers at Lichfield.-

JOHN DE WOUBOURNE, Priest, instituted June 4, 1313, at presentation of Brother William de Tothale, Prior of the Hospitallers of Jerusalem in England. This Vicar died Oct. 13, 1325, when-

GRIFFIN, SON OF RICHARD DE LA POLE, was admitted, at presentation of Brother Thomas Larcher, Prior of the Hospitallers. This Vicar died July 28, 1349 (probably of the Pestilence).

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247.
[2] Rot. Patent. 10 Edw. II., p. 1, m. 2.
[3] The Hospitallers in England (Camden Society, 1857), pp. 38, 39.
[4] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 192.
[5] Dukes's Antiquities, p. 210.
[6] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. 184.
[7] Supra, pp. 234, 246, 247.


JOHN DE ELLESMERE, Chaplain, admitted August 19, 1349;- Brother Philip de Thame, Prior, etc., presenting. This Vicar died on September 19, 1349 (again probably the pestilence was the cause).

THOMAS DE WYK, [1] Priest, was admitted October 20, 1349;- Brother Philip de Thame again presenting.

ROGER DE HAMPTON was instituted December 10, 1361;- Brother John Pandy, Prior of the Hospitallers, presenting. This was the Vicar of Ellesmere who, on April 6, 1391, sanctioned the Foundation, and surrendered the Patronage, of Welch-Hampton Chapel. On January 14, 1392, this Vicar exchanges preferments with-

JOHN GRENDON, late Rector of Adynton (Linc. Dios.); who is presented to Ellesmere by Brother Hildebrand Inge, acting for the Prior of the Hospitallers.

SIR RICHARD DE STAUNDON, Vicar of Ellesmere, died in 1408.


These were very numerous, but it is only of one or two of them that I find any interesting Record.

STOCKETT. About 1190-1194, "David fitz Owen, Prince of North Wales, with assent of Emma his wife and Owen his heir, gave all Stocgete, with its appurtenances, to Haughmond Abbey. Witness,- Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph".
[2] "Emma, sister of King Henry and wife of David fitz Owen, Prince of North Wales, with consent of her husband and of Owen her heir, confirmed. Same witness". On April 25, 1194, King Richard confirmed the gift of Stochiete as that of "Emma, his Father's Sister". About 1204 "Owen, son of David, confirmed the premises,- to hold to the Abbey under himself and his heirs. Witness,- William fitz Alan". About 1197-1204 "Emma, spouse of David fitz Owen, gave to the same Abbey all the pannage of Stokeit. Witnesses,- Vivian de Beatun, John de Burghletun, Reiner, Parson of Ellesmere". At the Assizes of October 1203, Reginald de Thirn sued David fitz Audoen (i.e. Owen) and his wife Emma for disseizing him of a tenement in Stocket and in Kenwike; but the trial could not proceed because the tenement was in manu Regis. We have seen that King John was holding Ellesmere at the time, and that his imprisoned Uncle, David, was never again put in possession thereof.

[1] He had been Rector of Stirchley (supra, Vol. VIII. pp. 124-5).
[2] This, and the remaining Deeds quoted under Ellesmere, are from the Haughmond Chartulary, Tits. Stokete, Neuton, Kenewike, and Gesenoke.


About 1205-1210, "Lewellyn, Prince of North Wales, for the souls of himself, his father, and David fitz Owen, his Uncle, confirmed Stockett to the Abbey. Witness,- Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph".

About 1286, "Richard fitz William, Forester of Kenewike, confirmed the pannage of Stockeit, and gave an assart there, to H. (perhaps Hervey), Abbot of Haghmon. Witnesses,- Wrono fitz Meurich, Richard de Pecton". About 1235-1255, "Robert de Burchull released to the Abbey all his right in the land of Stochete and in the land and Mill of Brome. Witness,- Sir Thomas de Roshall". On July 7, 1459, the Abbot of Haghmon demises the whole land of Stokeiate to Thomas Floyt, for 60 years and a rent of 9s.

NEWTON.- It would seem that Geoffrey de Vere, who died in the office of Sheriff of Shropshire in 1170, had a large feoffment in Ellesmere, comprising a part of Newton. He had it doubtless from King Henry II. Between 1165 and 1170, "Geoffrey de Ver gave to Haghmon Abbey 2 virgates in Newenton, for the souls' health of himself, his ancestors, and heirs. He gave the land free of all earthly customs, aids, scutages, danegelds, hidages, etc. etc. Witnesses,- William fitz Hervey; Absalon; Robert fitz William; William Dapifer; Godefrid, Clerk; Engelard de Stratton". Pope Alexander's Bull of May 1172 confirms the above grant, as Ex dono Galfridi de Ver, dimidiam hidam in Newintona.

It would further seem that Fitz Aer held lands in Newton either under De Vere's heirs, or else under the Lord of Ellesmere.- It must have been about 1190-5, that the second Robert fitz Aer, as "Robertus filing Haher" conceded to Haghmon all the land he held in Newton. The extraordinary conditions of this grant have been given under Great Withyford. [1] It was attested by William fitz Alan, Alan de Hedleg, Reginald de Heading, and Henry Malvoisin. About 1205-1209, "Lewellyn, Prince of North Wales, with consent of Geoffrey de Vere (son probably of the former Geoffrey) and of Robert fitz Aher (son of Robert fitz Aer II) gave and confirmed to the Abbey all Neuton, with its moors and wastes, and with Witemere, free from all tallages, aids, scutages, manorial works, and other exactions".

The dates of the following Deeds are some of them quite uncertain.- "William Chine of Newton-juxta-Ellesmere gives to the Canons of Haghmon a half-virgate in Newton, which he bought

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 326.


from Alexander, son of Robert de Newton.- The Canons to pay a third of a pound of cummin to John Oraile. Witness,- Hugh de Wolonkeslowe, then Constable" (of Ellesmere, I presume). "The Abbot demises the said half-virgate to John Seine, son of William Shine (the Grantor in the last Deed) for life".

"Alan de Neuton, son of Robert de Franketon, gave the same Abbey a merkate of land in Neuton, held by Adam de Sponhull. Witnesses,- Suann ap Eweyn, William de Hochton, Richard de Pecton". "On August 1, 1293, Robert Orayle of Neuton-near-Brome quitclaimed 21 acres in Neuton to the Abbey. Witness,- Richard Husee". On April 25, 1316, "Richard, son of John de Neuton, gave to John, son of Richard Karyas of Hampton, a parcel of land in Neuton, called Wykenescroft; reserving an arrow at Michaelmas to the Lord of the Fee, and suit of the Abbot of Haughmon's Court. Witness,- John de Hynkelegh, then Seneschall of Ellesmere". About 1320-1330, "Richard, son of John Orayle (probably the same Grantor) confirmed to Nicholas de Blakeway, Clerk, and others, all his lands in Neuton, held sometime by Nicholas Schine. Witnesses,- William de Oteley, Walter Cressett". "Nicholas Blakeway released to the Abbey all that land which he had acquired lately in Neuton by feoffment of Richard, son of John Orayle. Witness,- Robert de Preston". "Richard de Prene of Linyal gave to the Abbey all he had in Neuton by feoffment of William, son of John Orayle. Witnesses,- Master Robert de Preston, Stephen de Rossall". In 1328, "Richard Orayle, son of John Orayle, releases to the Abbey all his right in 30 acres in Neuton. Witnesses,- William de Otley, Robert Orayle, brother of the Grantor". On July 16, 1329, a Bond of "Robert, son of John Orayle", to the Abbot of Haghmon, is attested by "William de Smethecot and Walter Cresset". In September 1330, "Robert, son of John Orayle, of Newton, confirms to Nicholas de Harley, Clerk, a messuage and carucate in Newton, for 9. Witnesses,- William de Ottley, Richard de la Lithe" In November 1330, "Nicholas de Harley, Clerk, quitclaims the same to Haughmond Abbey. Witness,- Robert de Preston".

KENWICK.- Between the years 1205 and 1210, "Lewelin, Prince of North Wales, conceded, gave, and confirmed to Haghmon Abbey, for the souls' health of himself, his father, and David ap Owen his Uncle, a whole moiety of Kenewike, with its liberties and appurtenances, and also pannage for 60 swine wherever Lewelin's own swine had pesson within the Hundred of Ellesmere. Witnesses,-


Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph; William fitz Alan; Adaph, Archdeacon; [1] Elisse ap Owen; Wen ap Edenwein; Griffin ap Gervase; [2] Wion ap Jone; [3] Reiner de Ellesmere.

On March 15, 1323, "the Abbot of Haghmon demised to Roger, son of Thomas Gesenok, a piece of land called Totewike, at a rent of 14d. Witnesses,- Robert de Preston, Roger de Haghmon". On May 16, 1333, "Roger, son of Thomas de Gesenok, gave to Nicholas, Abbot of Haghmon, a parcel of land in Kenewike-juxta-Ellesmere, called Takewike. Witness,- Master Robert de Preston". In the same year "the same Roger released to the same Abbot all his right in a parcel of land called New-Totewike, in the field of Kenewike".

I have shown that in 1280 the Abbot of Haghmon was recognized as owner of Kenewick, Stockett, and Newton.
[5] On June 5, 1343, Roger Lestrange, Seigneur de Knokyn et d'Ellesmere, made an ample acknowledgment and confirmation of the Abbot's rights within his Lordship of Ellesmere. He enumerates the following Benefactors and their grants.- "Lewelyn, formerly Prince of North Wales, had given half the vill of Kenewike. The same Lewelyn, with consent of Geoffrey de Vere and Robert fitz Aer, had given Neuton and Whitemere. The same Lewelyn had made a grant of pannage. David ap Owen, Prince of North Wales, had given all Stokyate. Robert de Lacy, formerly Seigneur of Colemere, had given common-pasture in Colemere". The witnesses of this Confirmation were Sir William de Ercalwe, Richard Husee, Richard Hord, Roger Banastre, Roger de Leton, Stephen de Rossall, and William de Smethcote.

The Valor of 1535 probably includes all these estates of Haghmond Abbey under the title of Neuton-juxta-Elsemere, the assized rents of which are set down as 4. 0s. 8d. [6]

In the Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2, I can trace no item to correspond with the above, except "Newton: Diverse ferms, 1. 13s. 4d".

GESENOK.- This place, now lost, was near Kenwick, and perhaps an appurtenance of that Vill. William de Gesenok occurs as a Tenant and a Juror in 1280 and 1284. On Oct. 1, 1335, "Abbot Nicholas of Haghmon had a grant of a parcel of land in Gesenok,

[1] An Archdeacon of St. Asaph, unrecognized in the existing Fasti.
[2] Probably Griffin, son of Gervase Goch, of Sutton (Vol. II. p. 111).
[3] Wion, son of Jonas de Powis.
[4] The Prebendary above noticed.
[5] Supra, Page 243.
[6] Valor Eccles. III. 192.


with a part of Heymore meadow. Witnesses,- William de Otley, Pagan de Withinton, John Kynaston, Richard de la Lithe, William de Othale, Clerk. Dated at Elesmere". On the same day, "Roger fitz Thomas, of Gesenok-juxta-Elesmere, gave Abbot Nicholas a piece of land with the whole of Heymore meadow. Witnesses,- William de Otley, William de Smethecote, William de Othale, Clerk; Richard de la Lithe, Nicholas de Harley, Clerk".

On Nov. 11, 1337, "the same gives to the same, one Royal acre of meadow in the field of Gesenok. Witnesses,- Sir Griffin, Vicar of Ellesmere, Pagan de Whitenton, John de Houghton, John de Croulesmere (Crosemere), Richard le Wolf. Dated at Stokyate". Walter Cresset, of Uppinton, and Nicholas de Harley, Clerk, were, next day, named as Attorneys to give Abbot Nicholas seizin of the last grant.

On May 8, 1339, "Roger de Gesenok mortgages to Abbot Nicholas a parcel of land in Gesenok-juxta-Kenewike. Witnesses,- Richard de Franketon, of Ellesmere; Walter Cresset; Nicholas de Harley, Clerk". On Feb. 6, 1340, "Roger fitz Thomas releases the said parcel, already mortgaged, to the Abbot. Witnesses,- William de Otley, William de la Lithe".

ELSON. About Easter 1247 a Manor called Elleston seems to have been granted, at a fee-farm rent of 20s., to Wenunwin fitz Meuric by King Henry III. The Grantee was to be further liable to all other services pertaining to the estate. At Michaelmas 1248 he owed 30s. or 1 years' arrears of this fee-farm rent; and these arrears continued to accumulate till the Pipe-Roll of 10 Edward I. (1282) charges Wenunwine with 35. 10s., or 35 years' arrears, of the ferm of the Manor of Ellesdone. How much of these accounts was mere fiscal routine I cannot say. We have seen that in 1280 Stephen de Franketon was the actual tenant of 4 virgates in Ellesdon, that his rent, for that and other lands, was 22s., but that it was payable, not at the Exchequer, but to the Lord of Ellesmere. [1] Hence perhaps the superfluous entry on the Pipe-Rolls.

HARDWICK. We have seen that the four Welshmen who held Hardwick under the Lord of Ellesmere in 1280, [2] had suffered forfeiture in 1284, and their estates (4 virgates) were confirmed as a tenure-in-fee to one Robert Body. [3] For further particulars about Robert Body, and his tenure in another part of Shropshire, I may refer back to the account of Stockton, [4] sometime called Body-Stockton, from its connection with this family.

[1] Supra, page 243.
[2] [3] Supra, pp. 243-4.
[4] Supra, Vol. II. pp. 147, 148.


STOCKS. This member of Ellesmere was in 1280 held by Edenevet de Stokes under the Lord of Ellesmere. Richard de Stoks afterwards held the estate, and was succeeded by his son, Thomas. On Nov. 1, 1370, this Thomas, for a sum of 5 merks, mortgaged all his lands in "Le Stocks, within the Hundred of Ellesmere" (which he had inherited from Richard his father) to John, son of Madoc de Kynaston, for 100 years. [1]

LINEAL. At the Assizes of November 1221 it appeared that one William de Roshal had died seized of half a virgate in Lunyhal. His heirs were William, son of his sister Dionisia, and his sister Isabella, wife of William de Fontenay; and to them did the Tenant, William fitz Gilbert, surrender the said land.

At the same Assizes, Gilbert fitz Oviet, as heir of his Uncle (avunculi), William fitz Hemming, sued William de Hampton as occupant of a half-virgate in Lunehal. By a Fine, forthwith levied, Gilbert fitz Oviet quitclaims his right for half a merk. In 1280 Lunyal, as we have seen, was one of the largest members of Ellesmere, and then held by a female. [2] In December 1291 Stephen de Lunehall occurs on a Besford Jury.

OLD MARTON. We have seen that Marton, a member of Ellesmere, was held by Welshmen in 1280, [2] who being ejected, the estate was conferred on Philip, son of Robert de Say, at a rent of 6s. 8d. This was in 1284. On November 28, 1327, it was found by Inquest to be non-injurious to the Crown, if Philip de Say were to enfeoff John de Leyborne in the Manor of Marton. It was held in capite of the Manor of Ellesmere, at a rent of 2s. Its value to the Tenant was 50s. Philip de Say had no other lands. [3]

OTELEY. David de Otley was among the Ellesmere Tenants of 1280. At the Assizes of 1292 David de Ottle was one of the Jurors for Pimhill Hundred. Early in the next century we have repeated mention of William de Otley. According to the Inquest of March 24, 1309, his position was a good one. He held half a knight's-fee of the Chatellany of Ellesmere in "Otlee, Hoghton, and Walton, on the borders of Shropshire". The estate was worth 40s. per annum. His service was to guard one of the Towers of Ellesmere Castle in wartime at his own charges. [4] From this William there is good reason to believe that the Otleys of Pitchford were descended.

SPOONHILL. It would seem that Lacy of Colemere held this member of Ellesmere. In 1256 William de Houton held the Manor

[1] Harl. MS. 1396, fo. 77-b.
[2] Supra, page 243.
[3] Inquis 1 Edw. III., 2nd Nos., No. 58.
[4] Ad quod damnum, 2 Edw. II., No. 122.


of Spenhull under Robert de Lacy and Avicia his wife. William de Houton was impleaded for the same by Richard fitz Matthew, who claimed as next heir of a deceased Uncle, Adam de Norton. William de Houton calling his Feoffors to warranty, the case was adjourned to Westminster. [1] A previous William de Hochton occurs as a witness of one of Owen ap David's Deeds as early as 1204.

LEE. This member of Ellesmere, already spoken of as connected with the earlier history of the central Manor, remained with the Monks of Shrewsbury in 1255. The Pimhill Jurors then reported it as half a hide in Lega held in capite by the Abbot and by "feoffment of Earl Roger". The Abbot, it seems, claimed to include the estate in his ordinary Franchises. [2] Subsequent to this, I do not find any such mention of Lee as would tally with the idea of its remaining with the Abbey. Indeed the Inquest of 1280 exhibits it as held of the Lord of Ellesmere. [3]

As to the Tenants of Lee, I take it that Ralph de Lega, who attests a Charter of Owen ap David, about 1200, was one. About 1230-40, "Ralph de Lega gives to Reginald, son of his son Richard, three bovates in the vill of Lega, which he had in hand, and the service, due on a fourth bovate from William, the Grantor's nephew, reserving a rent of 4d. to the Grantor, and all services due to the Abbot of Shrewsbury. Witnesses,- Henry Abbot, of Salop; Richard fitz Hamo, their Seneschal (i.e. of the Abbey); James, Provost of the Foriete; Richard, Clerk". [4]

It is likely that Reyner de Lee, a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1292, was of Lee, near Ellesmere.

Great Ness, King's Ness or Ness Strange.

THIS again was Demesne Manor both of Saxon and Norman Earls, as the following passage in Domesday sufficiently shows.-

Ipse Comes tenet Nessham. Morcar Comes tenuit cum IIII Berewichis. Ibi V hidae. In dominio sunt V carrucae; et X Bovarii, et

[1] Assizes 40 Hen. III., m 6 dorso.
[2] Rot. Hundred, II. 76.
[3] Supra, p. 243.
[4] Salop Chartulary, No. 257-b.


XV Villani, et V Bordarii cum VI carrucis; et adhuc III carrucae possent esse. Ibi VI Walenses reddunt XX solidos. Silvae I leuua. AEcclesiam hujus Manerii cum una virgata terrae tenet AEcclesia Sancti Petri. Quidam Robertus habet IIII Villanos qui reddunt V solidos. T.R.E. reddebat (hoc Manerium) III libras. Modo (reddit) XIII libras et X solidos. [1]

The nearer we approach the Borders, the more we shall hear of the native Welsh as freeholders under the Normans. Domesday in short would indicate that Earl Roger's policy in the Marches was not only very successful, but much more conciliatory than other Records would suggest.

As to Robert, the Domesday Tenant of part of Ness, his feoffment I will attempt to identify when I come to speak of the members of the Manor. The early history of the Manor itself, chiefly consists in what is known of the Church and its transfer to Shrewsbury Abbey. These particulars have been detailed under Middle; [2] and their perfect consonance with Domesday is once more a tribute to the veracity of the Shrewsbury Chartulary. The four Berewicks of Ness, alluded to in Domesday, were, I suppose, Kinton, Willcot, Hopton, and Weston Lullingfield.

KING'S NESS (as in the second phase of its history this Manor was aptly called) came to the hands of King Henry II. as a Manor of Royal demesne. In the Firma Comitatus it seems to have been reputed as a Manor of 7 librates, but afterwards its fiscal value was 7. 10s. In the Pipe-Roll of 1156 (2 Hen. II) we find that Henry II. had made a praestitum, that is, I suppose, a temporary grant, of 7 librates of Crown-land to one Cadwallader. The same Cadwallader stands similarly endowed on the Pipe-Roll of 1157. This slight allusion of two Exchequer-Rolls shall be the text for a page of contemporaay history.-

Cadwallader, second son of Gruffyth ap Conan, Prince of North Wales, was brother of Owen Gwyneth, who ruled that country from 1137 to 1169. Before Owen's accession to the throne, that is, in the year 1136, he and his brother Cadwallader had joined in that daring attempt to expel the English from Wales, which resulted, if in nothing else, yet in the death of Pagan fitz John, the Sheriff of Shropshire and the Scourge of the Borders. [3] In the year 1142 Owen Gwyneth and Cadwallader were at variance, and Aberystwith Castle, a stronghold of Cadwallader, was burnt by Owen. Their reconciliation was effected; but in 1145 Howel and Conan, sons of

[1] Domesday, fo. 253, b, 2.
[2] Supra, pages 68-70.
[3] Supra, Vol. V. p. 242.


Owen, were at deadly feud with their Uncle. Their quarrel lasted for four years till, in 1149, Prince Howell got hold of the person of Cadwallader and consigned him to a dungeon. In 1151, says the Welsh Chronicle, "Cadwalader, the brother of Prince Owen, escaped out of his Nephew Howel's prison and subdued part of the Ile of Mon, or Anglesey, to himselfe; but his brother Owen sent an armie against him, and chased him thence, who fled to England for succour to his wife's friends, for she was the daughter of Gilbert Earl of Clare". [1]

With the exception of one inaccuracy, this story is remarkably confirmed by a totally independent document. Between the years 1151 and 1152 Ranulf, Earl of Chester (that Ranulf who died by poison in 1153) confirmed the Monks of Shrewsbury in the possession of all their lands between the Ribble and the Mersey. The Earl's Charter is dated at Chester, and attested as follows.- Testibus, Comite de Clara, et Cadwaladro, Rege Waliarum, et Roberto Basset, et Ganfrido Dispensario. [2]

The Earl of Clare here alluded to, was Gilbert. He was Nephew of Earl Ranulph himself, and, in the year 1146, had been given up to Stephen as a hostage for his Uncle's good faith and allegiance. His flight from Stephen's Court is recorded by the Chroniclers. It is evident that he took refuge with his Uncle. He died, in 1152, without issue, and was succeeded by his brother Roger. This fact, as well as a comparison of dates and ages, will show that Cadwallader's wife, Alice, was a Sister of Earl Gilbert and a daughter of Earl Richard de Clare, and, finally, a niece of Ranulph, Earl of Chester.

A Prince of North Wales (a King he styles himself) thus allied to the English, and thus hostile to Owen Gwyneth, might well claim the consideration of Henry II. when, in 1154, the latter ascended the throne. The Shropshire Pipe-Rolls have supplied us above with one phase of the alliance between Henry and Cadwallader. The Chronicles supply another.- In July and August, 1157, Henry was invading Wales. The King, says my authority, "was thereunto procured and moved by Cadwalader, whom the Prince his brother had banished out of the land and bereaved of his living". King Henry's first campaign against Wales has been described as unfortunate in its details. It certainly ended in the disgrace of Henry de Essex, the Constable of England, on a charge of cowardice; it also ended in a pacification with Owen Gwyneth, who

[1] Powel's Chronicle, p. 148.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 313.


consented to receive again his brother, Cadwallader, and to restore his lands. Henceforth we hear no more of Cadwallader as in the pay of King Henry. For a time he remained in alliance with the English, as when, in 1159, he assisted the Earls of Clare and of Bristol to relieve Carmarthen, then besieged by Prince Rese of South Wales. He was also a munificent Benefactor to Haughmond Abbey. In 1165 he is found leagued with Owen Gwyneth against the English, and probably retained that adverse position till his death in 1172.

Again recurring to those grand tests of the veracity of Chronicles, the Pipe-Rolls of Henry II.'s reign, I find that in the Roll of 1158 the entry about Cadwallader is discontinued, and we have in its place the following.-

In terris datis. Et Johanni Extraneo 7. 10s. de praestito Regis, per breve Regis. This is repeated in the Roll of 1159, but in the Roll of 1160 the corresponding entry is.- Johanni Extraneo 7. 10s. de praestito Regis in Nesse. Et eidem 4 in Chesewurda.

The meaning of this is that Ness was given to John le Strange in 1157-8, and in succession to Cadwallader, and that Cheswardine became his in 1159-60 as heir of his brother Hamo. The words de praestito Regis were applied to the grant of Ness for years after. They imply no qualification of an absolute grant-in-fee; but were, I suppose, inadvertently copied from the entries of 1156 and 1157.

Thus did John le Strange become Tenant-in-capite of Ness and Cheswardine, two Manors whose collective fiscal value was 11. 10s. His return, as a Tenant-in-capite, is preserved in the Liber Niger or Feodary of 1165. It runs as follows.- Johannes Extraneus tenet de Rege Nessam et Chesworthe per servitium unius militis et dimidii. [1] It was Ness which was held by the whole fee, and Cheswardine which was held by the half-fee.

All subsequent Records confirm the above account of John le Strange's Tenure; for instance, the Feodary of 1240, speaking of his Grandson, says,- Johannes Extraneus tenet 1 f.m. in Chesewardin et Nesse, in capite de Rege. [2] The testimony of the Scutage-Rolla is in exact accordance, as the following Summary will sufficiently show.-

1194. King Richard's Redemption: 1 per fee: John Extraneus assessed 30s.
1196. Normandy: 1 per fee: John Extraneus assessed 30s.
1197. Normandy: 1 per fee: John Extraneus assessed 30s.
1199. King John's lst Scutage: 2 marks per fee: John Extraneus assessed 40s.

[1] Liber Niger, I. 147.
[2] Testa de Nevill, p. 45.


1201. King John's 2nd Scutage: 2 merks per fee: John Extraneus assessed 40s.
1202. " 3rd ": 2 merks: John Extraneus not assessed.
1203. " 4th ": 2 merks: John Extraneus assessed 100s. [1]
1204. " 5th ": 2 merks: John Extraneus not assessed.
1205. " 6th ": 2 merks: John Extraneus assessed 40s.
1206. " 7th ": 20s.: John Extraneus acquitted.
1214. Poitou: 3 merks: John Extranens acquitted.
121S. Henry III.'s 1st Scutage: 2 merks: John Extraneus assessed 40s.
1221. Biham: 10s.: John Extraneus assessed 5s. [1]
1224. Montgomery: 2 merks: John Extraneus acquitted.
1224. Bedford: 2 marks: John Extraneus acquitted.
1229. Keri: 2 merks: John Extraneus acquitted.
1230. Brittany: 3 merks: John Extraneus acquitted.
1231. Poitou: 3 merks: John Extraneus assessed 40s. [3]
1232. Elvein: 20s.: John Extranous assessed 30s.
1235. Aid: 2 merks: John Extraneus aassessed 40s.
1245. Aid: 20s.: John Extraneus assessed 30s.
1246. Gannok: 3 merks: John Extraneus acquitted.
1254. Aid: 40s.: John Extraneus assessed 60s.
1260. Wales: 40s.: John Extraneus acquitted.

I should now redeem a former promise, and devote a large space to the origin and early history of-


I have suggested in a former Volume that the paternal Ancestor of this great and numerous family was Ruald, or Roland, Extraneus, living in the time of King Henry I.
[4] This idea is confirmed by a Deed of John le Strange (IV) of Knokyn, which has recently come to light, and in which he confirms certain land in Hunstanston to the descendant of one who had been originally enfeoffed by "Roland le Strange, the Confirmant's ancestor". [5] Now this Confirmation passed between the years 1269 and 1275; and, whereas the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather of the Confirmant were all named John, it follows that Roland must have been a more remote ancestor. Whereas also the first John le Strange appears in public life as early as 1155, it follows that Roland must have lived at least as early as the reign of Henry I.

ROLAND LE STRANGE may therefore be surely identified with him, who attested Alan fitz Flaald's Deed about 1112; [6] and with that Tenant of a Knight's-fee in the Norfolk Honour of Mileham,

[1] This was a Fine or composition, rather than an assessment by rate.
[2] [3] These two assessements are lower than the current rate.
[4] Supra, Vol. III. p. 125.
[5] Deed in possession of H.L. Styleman Le Strange, Esq., of Hunstanston.
[6] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 218.


whose successor John le Strange (I) was therefore said in 1165 to hold one fee of old feffment in Fitz Alan's Norfolk Fief.

As to the story that the Stranges were paternally descended from John, or any more real Duke or Earl of Brittany, that has been already dismissed as part of a ridiculous fable. [1] But there is another allegation, that all the Stranges were descended from some Siward. This is one of those bare, and unsupported assertions which we cannot test by circumstances, and to contradict which, is something like undertaking to prove a negative. Siward is a Saxon name, or rather a name of Danish origin, freely used among the English Saxons. Allowing that Roland le Strange of Henry I.'s time may possibly have been son or descendant of some Siward, [2] we cannot but conclude that the said Roland was the only proved paternal ancestor, and was the father of those four Brethren, John, Guy, Hamo, and Ralph, who came or had come into notice at the period of Henry II.'s accession. [3]

[1] Supra, VoL III. p. 123.
[2] I do not offer this as an hypothesis of my own, but in deference to an ancient though rather loose tradition. My own conviction is that Siward, or Suwold, was ancestor of a family of Stranges totally distinct from that under notice, and usually styled "of Lytcham". A confusion between the two races was more than ordinarily probable, seeing that both held under Fitz Alan, and that both had an interest in Lytcham. The following I conceive to be the early descent of Strange of Lytcham.-

Siward, living in Henry I.'s time, was succeeded by a son Ralph, and Ralph by a son Durandus, living about 1155-60. Durandus le Strange, by his wife, Agnes, had a son Ralph, who was also called Le Strange, and was living from 1180 to 1217. John le Strange, son of Ralph, occurs from 1240 to 1292. He had by his wife, Isabella, two sons, John and Ralph. John (the elder son) died May 31, 1305, without issue. Ralph, his brother and heir, was living in 1310.-

The property of this branch of the Stranges consisted of the Lordship over the two Norfolk Hundreds of Launditch and South-Greenhow, and of lands in Wellingham, Sutton, Bittering, Lytcham, Mileham, Stanford, Titeshale, and Wesenham.
[3] These Volumes were far advanced, when I discovered a Deed in the Castle-Acre Chartulary (Harl. MS. 2110, fo. 28), which settles decisively that Roland le Strange was father of John le Strange (I) and his three brothers. This invaluable document, which we must date between 1157 and 1160 runs as follows.-

"Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Extraneus dedi Deo et Sanctae Mariae de Acra et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus VI acras terrae in campo de Lucheam, in fine culturae de Melegrene, in liberam et perpetuam elemosynam pro salute animae patris mei Rollandi et Matildae matris meae et Hamonis fratris mei et meae et heredum meorum et omnium parentum meorum. Hujus donacionis testes sunt, Willielmus Capellanus de Lucheham, Willielmus filius Alani, Radulfus Extraneus, Galfridus de Berlingehi, Willielmus des Bans, Duranus Extraneus, Willielmus de Burna, Petrus de Hunstaston, Lefwinus Praepositus, Walterus de Hunstaston, Hamo Clericus, Gwido filius Rogeri, Rogerus Faber".

I forbear pointing out or recalling the many previous conjectures, about persons, places, and dates, which are verified or strengthened by this Charter. None but the initiated know the perils of guessing about such matters, or the satisfaction which results from having guessed rightly.


But the tenure of a single Norfolk fee by Roland le Strange was insignificant, and it is not for any paternal ancestry of the Stranges that we must look, if we wish to account for their great ascendency. As a race they were distinguished for their abilities in field and in council. They were distinguished yet more for the most steadfast loyalty. The feoffments of John, Guy, and Hamo le Strange, by Henry fitz Empress, and William fitz Alan (I), were tributes to men of ascertained ability. For three long-lived and successive generations, the Heads of this House were indefinitely trusted by contemporary Kings. For the same period no Le Strange ever betrayed such trust, or was suspected of betraying it.

But, besides all this, there was a territorial influence which accrued to this family, at an early period, and by hereditary descent, which has hitherto escaped our notice. Maternally, the Stranges of Henry II.'s time could trace an ancestry of three generations, and the ulterior result to the elder brother, John, was a great territorial aggrandizement. I have said that the Mother of John le Strange (I) was a Suffolk lady, but not an heiress. [1] I have also said or implied that John le Strange (I) inherited his Norfolk Fee, Hunstanston, from his Father. This I find, though verbally true, to be far less than the truth, and calculated to mislead. John le Strange's Mother was not indeed an heiress herself, but in her issue she was a very great heiress. She would better have been called a Norfolk, than a Suffolk, Lady. Again it was only a part of Hunstanston, which John le Strange inherited from his father and held under Fitz Alan. Having offered these preliminary explanations, I may now proceed with those facts and probabilities which constitute the maternal origin of the House of Le Strange.-

The aera of Hugh de Plaiz, a Suffolk Feudatory, must be estimated as little, if at all, later than Domesday. It is probable that Ralph de Plaiz, who between the years 1107 and 1120 granted lands to Thetford Priory, [2] was son and heir of Hugh. It is also probable that Ralph de Plaiz, who lived in 1194, was the then representative of this family. But, besides his supposed son (Ralph), Hugh de Plaiz had a daughter, Helewise. This Helewise had the land of Bernham (Suffolk)

[1] Supra, Vol. III. p. 124.

[2] Monasticon, Vol. V. 148. ii. I think that Ralph de Plaiz was identical with that Ralph fitz Hugh to whom the first William de Albini gave two knights'-fees in Norfolk, and in the time of Henry I. (Liber Niger, I. 287).


[For pedigree, see pdf.]


from her father, as a gift in frank-marriage. Her husband was Ralph fitz Herlewin, otherwise called Ralph de Hunstanton. This Ralph was living in 1086, and was then a Vassal of Roger Bigot. The Norfolk Domesday records for instance under the Terra Rogeri Bigot, that Radulf fitz Herluin holds two carucates in Hunestatuna, and four carucates in Totintun. [1] I imagine that Ralph fitz Herluin's fee was afterwards greatly increased, and that he held the greater part of Hunstanston, and several other Manors in Norfolk, under William de Albini Pincerna, a Minister and favourite of King Henry I. The mode in which Albini acquired or realized his Norfolk Fief (of 62 knight's-fees) was as follows.- Henry I. gave him the Fee of Corbuchiun, consisting of 15 knight's-fees. The King next gave him 10 knights'-fees in the Fief of Roger Bigod, in marriage with Matilda, daughter of the said Roger Bigot. Then the same King gave him other 17 fees. Lastly, Albini himself enfeoffed 20 knights in his own demesnes. [2]

We have no list of the 25 fees which together constituted the Fief of Corbuchiun and the marriage portion of Maud Bigot. Had we such a list, I can have little doubt that either Ralph de Hunstanston or one of his sons would appear therein as Tenant of 5 fees. Ralph de Hunstanston had three children, viz. Simon, Reginald, and a daughter unnamed. [3] Simon succeeded his father before 1135, and died without issue. Reginald succeeded his brother Simon. He was called Reginald le Brun. Under that name, and between the years 1154 and 1173 he gave the land of Bernham, above mentioned, to Thetford Priory. Reginald le Brun died without issue, before 1174. His heir was his Nephew, John le Strange, the eldest son of his Sister, which Sister I take to have been wife of Roland le Strange.

If what I have surmised above be as correct as what I have stated, it will follow that, about the year 1170,-

JOHN LE STRANGE (I) held 5 knights'-fees in Hunstanston and elsewhere in Norfolk, under William de Albini Pincerna (II), that is, under William Earl of Arundel, surviving husband of the Dowager Queen Adeliza.

One of the estates which John le Strange thus held of the Earl was part of Edgefield, in the Hundred of Holt (Co. Norfolk). The Deed whereby John le Strange gave this estate to Binham Priory proves so much of what has been asserted above, as to his maternal ancestry and his Norfolk tenure, that I give it here.-

[1] Domesday, fos. 173-b, 174-a.
[2] Liber Niger, I. pp. 286-7.
[3] The Deed quoted above (page 260, note 3) shows that her name was Matilda.


Catholicae fidei cultoribus, Johannes cognomento Le Strange, assensu et voto uxoris et heredum, pro salute animae meae et domini mei Regis Henrici Junioris [1] et Alianorae Reginae et filiorum, et pro salute Willielmi Comitis de Harundel domini mei, et Adelizae Reginae, [2] et filiorum, et uxoris meae et heredum, do in liberam elemosynam Deo et Sanctae Mariae de Binham, totum illud feodum quod Radulfus de Hunestaneston habuit in villa de Egeffel, et filius ejus Simon post eum, deinde frater ipsius, Reginaldus le Brun, quibus ego ut legitimus heres jure hereditario successi. Hujus donacionis testes sunt Radulfus le Strange, [3] Willielmus de Hunstaneston, Ranulphus clericus, persona ecclesiae ejusdem villae, et filii ejus Walterus, Rothlandus, Normannus; Willielmus filius Willielmi de Hunstaneston; Regerius; Simon; Nicholas; Willielmus de Baucis; Hamo filius Bunch; Willielmus de la More; et Simon frater ejus; Willielmus filius Radulfi de Beccam; Ruel' de Camis, [4] et filii ejus Briencius et Fabianus; Audoenus Malpas; Gaufridus de Leringsete; Michael Portarius de Binham; Alanus de Binham. [5]

The date of this Deed is partly determined by a Deed of William Bishop of Norwich (William Turbus, ob. Jan. 16, 1174), who "at the petition of John le Straunge" recited and confirmed it. [6]

I cannot close this digression without noticing that Simon fitz Ralph (John le Strange's maternal uncle) had long before conceded this land of Egeffeld to Binham Priory, but at a rent of 12d. The concession was certified and confirmed by William de Albini (I), his wife Matilda, and his son William, in a Deed which addresses all the Confirmant's Barons, and is expressed to be for the soul of Roger Bigot and of his wife. [7] Now as Roger Bigod died in 1107, and as William de Albini (I) died before Stephen's accession, we cannot doubt that this last transaction took place between 1107 and 1135. Between the years 1172 and 1177 John le Strange gave the

[1] Henry II. was often so styled before he allowed his son to be crowned. Then the title was applied to the latter.
[2] This clause is singular. Queen Adeliza had been long dead. I think she died before Henry II.'s accession.
[3] Probably the Grantor's brother;- of Childs Ercall.
[4] Probably Roald de Cameris or Camerarius (Liber Niger, I. 187).
[5] Cotton MS. Claud. D., XIII. fo. 87 [6] Ibidem, fo. 91b. John, Bishop of Norwich also includes John le Strange's grant in a Confirmation of March 3, 1181 (Monasticon, III. p. 348).
[7] Ibidem, fo. 90. This Confirmation is attested by Geoffrey de Merlay, and Reginald, and Odo de Nueres; by Radulf Dapifer, Herbert Clerk, William Veltre, William Revel, Morel, and Aresget Camerarius.

Now Geoffrey de Merlai, William Veltrier, and Angesod Camerarius, held 5, 3, and 1, fees respectively, in Henry I.'s time, by feoffment of William de Albini himself (Liber Niger, I. 287).


Church of St. Mary of Hunstanston to the Shropshire Abbey of Haughmond. The grant was attested by Andrew, Abbot of Wigmore, by the Abbot of Buildwas, and by John le Strange, a Canon. [1] The grant was confirmed by King Henry II. about 1176, [2] and by John, Bishop of Norwich, in a dated manifesto of 1178, in which the Grantor is styled "dilectus filius noster, vir honorabilis Johannes Extraneus". In another Charter the same Prelate allows the Canons of Haghmon to appropriate this Rectory, saving the life interests therein of William de Bruna and Roland, Clerks.

Only one of John le Strange's Charters mentions the name of his wife. It was Hawise. The Charter was a grant to Haghmon Abbey, already alluded to under Webscott. [3] It is probable that it was made on the death of his said wife, which will have shortly preceded his own death. The latter event took place in 1177-78. At Michaelmas 1178 Guy le Strange, Sheriff of Shropshire, had in hand the reputed issues of Ness and Cheswardine, obviously because his brother's Son had not obtained livery; but before Michaelmas 1179 he had handed over the sum to "John, son of John le Strange".

Of Guy, Hamo, and Ralph, brothers of John le Strange (I), I have spoken under Alveley, Cheswardine, Little Ercall, and numerous other localities. He left issue, at least four sons, viz. John, Ralph, Hamo, and William. I now proceed with the eldest, viz.-

JOHN LE STRANGE (II), who in his father's lifetime had frequently appeared attesting Charters of, or with, his Father. The next appearance of this John le Strange, after his father's death, was in connection with Hulm or Holme, a considerable Manor in Norfolk, which he held under the Earl of Arundel, and which adjoined Hunstanston. The Advowson of the Church of Hulm was in dispute between the Abbot of Ramsay and John le Strange. A Fine was levied at Westminster on November 13, 1188, before John Bishop of Norwich and Ranulf de Glanvill, Justices, and before Godfrey de Luci, and Ralph, Archdeacon of Hereford, whereby the Abbot quit-claimed the said Advowson to John le Strange. In return, the Bishop of Norwich, by John le Strange's consent, charged an annual pension of one merk, payable to the Abbot of Ramsay by every future Presentee of the Living. [4]

John Bishop of Norwich confirmed the above arrangement in one Deed. In another he institutes William le Brun (of whom we have heard before) in the Church of Hu1m, at the presentation of

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 121.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 293.
[3] Supra, page 76, note.
[4] Lilleshall Chartulary, fos. 80, 55.


John le Strange, the Patron. [1] I need not repeat the Charter, already printed, whereby soon afterwards "John le Strange, son of John le Strange", for the souls' health of himself and Amicia his wife, gave the Church of Hulm to Lilleshall Abbey; "Master William le Strange, the Grantor's brother, attesting the gift". [2] By other Deeds, "John le Strange, son of John le Strange, gives for the sustentation of the poor at the gate of Lilleshall Abbey the Chapel or Church of Sanketon". He gives it "with the body of Amicia his wife, when she shall have gone the way of all flesh".

In May 1195 we have seen that John le Strange was employed, in the King's service, as a substitute for his dying cousin, Ralph le Strange of Alveley. [3] The duty which had devolved on these two persons was doubtless as Castellans of Carrechova Castle, and as Superintendents of the silver-mines which were being worked there for the Crown. The Pipe-Roll of 1194 shows that the Liveries of the Knights and Servientes who guarded the said Mines had been paid by the Sheriff, after a report, or representation, made by John and Ralph le Strange.

I now turn again to the Eastern Counties for a piece of genealogical information which has already been used in this narrative.- A Plea-Roll of June 1194 fixes July 1st as the day "on which the Prior of Thetford and John le Strange were to attend at Westminster and receive their Chyrograph". An entry on a Plea-Roll of November 1194 shows Martin Prior of Thetford and John le Strange in attendance. They had had a suit wherein the Prior had claimed a carucate of land in Berneham against John le Strange. John, not having the land in his possession, and being at present unable to recover it from the holder, but being also bound to warrant it to the Prior, was obliged to come to a conditional agreement.- The Prior quitclaimed his right in Bernham, and John gave in lieu thereof 20 solidates of land and 3 natives in Tottinton.
[4] For this Concord the Prior gave Le Strange 100s.; but it was stipulated that, if Le Strange could recover Bernham, the Prior was to have it, and not only restore the premises in Tottinton, but pay another 100s. to Le Strange. [5]

We must remember that this very land of Bernham had been given by Hugh de Plaiz to his daughter, Helewise, when she married

[1] Lilleshall Chartulary, fos. 80, 55.
[2] Monasticon, VI. 263; No. viii.
[3] Supra, Vol. III. p. 130.
[4] Tottington is in Wayland Hundred (Norfolk):- north of Thetford. The Stranges were Mesne Lords thereof till a comparatively late period.
[5] Rot. Curiae Regis, I. 20, 23, 96.


Ralph de Hunstanton (Ralph fitz Herlewin). Their son, Reginald le Brun, had given it to Thetford. It was because John le Strange was son of John le Strange (nephew and heir of the said Reginald) that he was bound to warrant this land to the Priory. He recognized the obligation, and was actually endeavouring in this very month of November 1194 to obtain possession of Bernham from Ralph de Plaiz, who had seized it (I presume) as right heir of Hugh de Plaiz above mentioned. [1] This cross-suit was prosecuted by Simon de Pierpoint (a Shropshire Tenant of Le Strange) on behalf of his Suzerain. He deduced Le Strange's descent and title in a way which makes one or two verbal inaccuracies of the Law-scribe easy to amend. The result was, however, unfavourable to Le Strange; for Ralph de Plaiz evaded the Suit by a Plea that Ralph, his Nephew, was seized of the land. The Nephew had in turn a subterfuge; and John Le Strange was told to take out a new Writ, if he pleased. It would seem that he did so, for in December following a Suit was pending between Ralph de Plaiz and Robert (read John) le Strange. Of the final result I know nothing.

About this time Robert Mortimer (of Attilbergh, I suppose) seems to have contested the whole Norfolk feoffment of John le Strange under the Earl of Arundel. The result was a Fine, levied, says my authority, [2] in 1195, whereby Robert Mortimer quitclaimed to John le Strange five knights'-fees in Hunstanton, Ringstead, Snelleston, and Tottington. In return, John le Strange gave to Mortimer certain lands in Tottington, to hold under the Grantor by nineteen-twentieths of a knight's- fee.

In 1196, we are told that John le Strange, with the assent of Robert de Mortimer, gave the Church of Tottington to the Priory and Nuns of St. Mary of Campesse (Suffolk). [3]

About 1198 we have seen John le Strange and his brother Ralph attesting a Deed of Robert Corbet of Caus. [4]

For the trust and favour with which King John continually regarded this John le Strange, I may refer to my accounts of Wrockwardine and Cheswardine. A few minor indications of this confidence may be added here. On May 25, 1212, Reginald de Heidin (Hesding), Constable of Oswestry, is ordered to transmit to the King, by hand of John le Strange, the moneys received for the sale of those stores of the King which were at Oswestry. [5] On July 6,

[1] Supra, page 261.
[2] Parkins's Norfolk, Vol. X. p. 321.
[3] Blomefield's Norfolk (edit. of 1805), Volume II. page 355.
[4] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 18.
[5] Rot. Claus. Vol. I. p. 117-b.


1212, the King orders John le Strange himself, not to proceed with the sale of corn, wine, and stores at Oswestry, but to replace all that had been already sold, and to provide 100 fat cattle, 1000 geese, and 2000 fowls ready to be sent anywhither for the King's use, as he should direct. Le Strange is to inform the King how far the execution of this order can be depended on. [1] In August 1212 John le Strange, being in custody of the escheated estates of Robert de Girros, is ordered to hand them over to Thomas de Erdinton. [2] On September 24, 1212, Erdinton is ordered to give to William, Earl Ferrers, certain swine which John le Strange had caused to be fed for the Earl's use. [3] In August 1214 we have seen, under Stanton Hineheath, that John le Strange employed his eldest son as a confidential messenger to the King's Court. [4] John le Strange's exemption from the Scutage of Poitou in 1214, was because his son was in actual service there. [5] A Patent of June 10, 1213, appoints John le Strange Governor of Carrechova Castle. On July 25, 1216, he had a grant of the Manor of Kidderminster, to hold during the King's pleasure. [6] On September 5, 1216, King John, then at Oxford, appoints him Sheriff of Shropshire and Staffordshire; but so great, apparently, were the exigencies of the period, that the Earl of Chester, who had been appointed to the same office in the preceding month, soon resumed it.

Faithful to King John in the last extremity, this Baron's services are recognized by Letters of King Henry III., dated October 30, 1217, and exempting him from scutage in Shropshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk. [7] The Shropshire Pipe-Roll of 1218 takes, however, no notice of this exemption. On March 26, 1218, the King orders him to have an auxilium from the Counties of Shropshire and Staffordshire to enable him to strengthen his Castle of Knokyn. [8] On June 7, 1218, he attended the dedication of Worcester Cathedral, the King himself being present thereat. [9] Writs of May 1220 show him in charge of the Shropshire Forests. On May 11, 1223, the King presents him with 20 merks out of the Treasury towards the fortifications of Knokyn Castle. [10] On January 7, 1225, he had a grant of Market at his Norfolk Manor of Hunstanton. [11] On May 14, 1225, his son, called "John le Strange, Junior", is appointed a Commissioner to convey the tax of the fifteenth from Salop to Gloucester.
[12] On September 2, 1226, the Father was one of the King's

[1] [2] [3] Claus. I. 119-b, 121, 125.
[3] Claus. I. pp. 166 and 201.
[4] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 293.
[6] [7] [8] Claus. I. 278, 371-b, 355-b.
[9] Annal. Wigorn. p. 484.
[11] [12] Claus. I. 545; II. 11, 74.


ambassadors appointed to meet Lewellyn at Oswestry. [1] A similar commission of December 26, 1226, associates him with the Sheriff of Shropshire, with John fitz Alan, Bartholomew Turet, and Robert de Girros. [2]

After this, we can trace but little in this Veteran's existence, except that Writs of May 25, 1231, and Feb. 20, 1232, speak of his son as "John le Strange, Junior". The time of his death (1237-8) has been already indicated under Wrockwardine. [3] At that date his age will have been more than eighty years, full fifty of which had been spent in the active duties of his station. His eleemosynary grants were very great. The Monasteries of Shrewsbury, Lilleshall, Wombridge, and above all, Haughmond, profited by his liberality. On that subject more will be found under the specific localities concerned. I have been unable to ascertain the parentage of his wife Amicia, but some obscurity which has been added to this subject may be dispelled in a note. [4]

I have not found authentic mention of more than two sons of John le Strange (II). These were John, his successor, and Hamo. He had also a daughter, Margery, to whom, on her marriage with Ralph de Pichford, he gave land in Lytcham (Norfolk). [4]

JOHN LE STRANGE (III) had entered on public life as early as 1212, and in 1214 had served in Poitou. At his Father's death he was already Lord of Wrockwardine. There are reasons for thinking that he is often mentioned during his father's lifetime, without being distinguished as Junior. In 1283 it would seem that he had custody of Montgomery Castle and of Sneth: for a Patent of June 14 orders him to place William de Boeles in that trust. A Patent of Feb. 6, 1234, shows him as Custos of a hostage, required by the Crown from his own Suzerain, John fitz Alan. On July 9, 1236, being certainly in office as Constable of Montgomery, he has the King's letters of protection from all Suits, etc. On October 26 of that same year, he was appointed to the greater trust or custody of the counties of Salop and Stafford: and on Nov. 14, Robert de la Haye (the late Sheriff) was enjoined to give up to his keeping the Castles of Shrewsbury and Bridgnorth. On Dec. 3, 1240, the King gives to John le Strange custody of the Castle and County of Chester.

[1] [2] Clauss. II. 155, 206.
[3] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 23.
[4] Dugdale and Blomefield reduce the two first John le Strange to one person, represented as dying in 3 Hen. III. (1218-9). Other authorities make this single John to have married "Maria or Amicia le Brun.". The Lady alluded to waa however Grandmother of John le Strange (II) and mother of John le Strange (I). The only authentic Record in which I find mention of her Christian name gives it as Matilda.
[5] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 273.


A Patent of Feb. 12, 1241, announces a curious understanding between the King and this trusty Minister. If the King should die at any time before John le Strange should have been relieved of his offices as Custos of the Castles of Montgomery, Shrewsbury, and Bridgnorth, and of the County of Chester, then the said John was to make them all over to the Queen for the use of Edward, the King's son. The above Patent of Dec. 3, 1240, was equivalent to appointing John le Strange to the high office of Justiciar of Chester. I have often explained that the King's chief representative in a Palatine County, held an office more analogous to that of Viceroy or Chief Justice, than to that of an ordinary Sheriff. A Patent of December 2, 1241, addresses John le Strange as Justice of Chester, empowering him to release some Welsh hostages, so soon as David ap Lewellyn should have sent others to replace them. On Feb. 25, 1242, John le Strange was commissioned to assess a tallage on the Royal demesnes of Shropshire and Staffordshire. At this time, and pending the minority of John fitz Alan (II), John le Strange was Custos of the Castles and Manors of Oswestry, Clun, Shrawardine, and Montford. The Pipe-Rolls are loaded with his various accounts. In March 1244, Ludlow Castle was, as we have seen, in his temporary keeping. Patents of July 1244, appoint him to settle terms of truce with David ap Lewellyn, and enjoin all the Lieges of Shropshire, Staffordshire, and Cheshire, to put trust in him, as respected all measures for custody of the Marches. Here he is again styled Justice of Chester; but before November 1245, John de Grey (already noticed under Ellesmere) had succeeded him in that office.

On November 6, 1245, a Patent, dated at Lilleshull, proves that John le Strange was in the field rather than the Cabinet. Roger de Clifford, William de Odingsel, and others, are enjoined to abide under his command in the "parts of Montgomery". In May 1248, I find evidence that John le Strange was no longer Custos of Montgomery Castle. In that and in the following month he surrendered the Shrievalty of Shropshire and Staffordshire, and the Castles of Shrewsbury, Brug, and Ellesmere, to Thomas Corbet. His years alone are sufficient to account for this partial relaxation of his duties. As a Justice to settle important questions, and as a Negotiator, the King continued to employ him.

In August 1253 one of his younger sons, Hamo, accompanied the King into Gascony. In 1254 he himself was appointed as a Justiciar to divide their inheritance among the heirs of William de Braose.


In 1255 we have the following Survey of John le Strange's Manor of Nesse.- "John le Strange holds two hides of land in Nesse, of the King in capite; doing the service of one knight for 40 days yearly in time of war. He does no suit to Pimhill Hundred, but he does Suit to the County, for this, as for his other lands in Shropshire. He holds a free Court and a franchise; the Jurors know not by what title". [1]

The Shropshire Forest-Roll pf February 1262 contains certain reminiscences of John le Strange and his sons, which show that the old man was a lover of the Forest and the Chase, and not very particular as to the example which he set in these matters of Royal Prerogative.- "Sir John le Strange, Senior, did capture 3 stags and one doe (bissam) in the King's 40th year" (1255-6). "Hamo le Strange did capture one doe on September 8, 1257". "Sir Hamo le Strange did capture one stag and one doe, on Sunday, Oct. 13, 1258. John le Strange, Junior, did capture two fallow-deer (damos) on Sept. 15, 1259".

Meanwhile, the exigencies of the time, and the unlimited confidence of the King, would seem to have recalled John le Strange to the sterner duties of his position as a Baron Marcher.- A Writ of the year 1260 announces breaches of truces and other excesses on the part of the Welsh, and "John le Strange is to muster all his power and repair to the Border, and there remain for the security of those parts". [2] In the same year Prince Edward appointed John le Strange, Junior, to the custody of Montgomery Castle, with a salary of 120 merks. [3] This appointment was made probably on the presumption that the heir apparent of John le Strange (III) must needs be trustworthy; but we shall see that in this instance the loyalty of the House was the appanage of a younger son. On November 12, 1261, John le Strange (Junior, I presume) is ordered by Patent to give custody of Montgomery Castle to John le Bretun, and John le Bretun is ordered incontinently to hand the said trust over to Hamo le Strange. A Patent of November 22, 1263, invests Hamo le Strange with custody of the Castles of Salop, Brug, and Montgomery, [4] but I know not how it came to pass, in the case of Montgomery, that John le Strange is the person relieved from the previous trust. Dugdale, though his narrative of these events involves much confusion between John le Strange and his elder son John, is clear on one point, viz. that during Montfort's

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] Dugdale's Baronage, p. 664-b.
[3] Rot. Patent. 44 Hen. m., 3.
[4] Supra, Vol. I. p. 282.


rebellion, the elder John and his son Hamo stood fast for the Crown, while the younger John proved a Traitor to the King as well as to the traditions of his House and to his own Father. His guilt, for guilt it must be called, is proved by two of those forged Patents which should stand in the name of Simon de Montfort rather than of the King. Adam fitz Philip, on March 7, 1265, is ordered to surrender the custody of Montgomery Castle to John le Strange, Junior, and the latter, as soon as he has obtained the Castle, is ordered to come to the King to confer on matters of business; that is, to come to Simon de Montfort and plot treason. On April 2, 1265, another exhortation was addressed to Adam fitz Philip to surrender Montgomery Castle to John le Strange, Junior. The reason of this repetition is partly misrepresented by Dugdale. It was as follows.- Adam fitz Philip had been appointed Constable of Montgomery by Prince Edward, before the latter had been taken prisoner with his father. He had refused to obey the mandate of March 7, without the Prince's special order. Young Le Strange had reported this difficulty to Montfort, and had procured the Writ of April 2nd, ordering Adam fitz Philip on his allegiance to surrender the Castle, and stating that this second order was given with Prince Edward's consent. [1] And in truth it appears that a correspondence had been going on between the King and Prince on this subject. The King had been made to threaten his son with the loss of his blessing, unless the son procured Adam fitz Philip's resignation. [2] Dugdale's account of this episode would make it seem that the Prince was at large, and acted voluntarily on the occasion. It is clear that he was not at Westminster with his Father, but I imagine that he was under surveillance elsewhere.

If the story be true which is related in the Welsh Chronicle, it would seem that John le Strange, Junior, actually became Constable of Montgomery at this epoch, but had small joy of his position. In a midnight march through Keri, he was attacked by the Welsh, and 200 of his men were slain. [3] This story must be collated with the known fact that the Welsh were leagued with Montfort and his partisans. It is singular that they should thus attack their own ally; but the date of the event is not well marked in the Chronicle, and it may have arisen in some complications of which the Rolls do not inform us.

To return to John le Strange (III),- the rewards decreed to

[1] Foedera, I. 454.
[2] Rot. Claus. 49 Hen. III., m. 6. Dated at Westminster, March 28, 1265.
[3] See Powel's Chronicle, p. 235.


him after the restoration, were apparently limited to a single grant of the forfeited lands of Walter de Mucegros. His younger son, Roger, shared too in the spoils of the late Rebels, and on Hamo were showered the choicest rewards.

Of his elder son we hear no more for the present. He was probably shielded from punishment by the great name which he bore. The Father died early in 1269, and on March 26 of that year the King, at Westminster, received the homage of John, his heir. [1]

The wife of John le Strange (III) was named Lucia. She is said to have been daughter of Robert de Tregoz. [2] Besides his son and heir (John), John le Strange was father of at least three other sons, viz. Hamo, Roger, and Robert. Of these Hamo, Lord of Ellesmere and Stretton, became a Crusader, and died without issue, probably in the Holy Land. Roger was Lord of Cheswardine and eventually of Ellesmere. He also died without lawful issue. Robert was Ancestor of the House of Blackmere.

John le Strange (III) had also two daughters, Alice and Hawyse. Of each of these Ladies I should say something here.-

I have an extract of a Deed whereby, about 1260-1, "John le Strange gives to his daughter, Alice, towards her marriage, half his Manor of Lucham (Lytcham, Norfolk) together with the Advowson of the Church. Witnesses,- Sir Fulk de Orreby, Sir Hamo le Strange, Roger le Strange". At the same time "John le Strange gave the other half of his Manor of Lucam to his son Robert, saving the Curia or Manor-House. Witnesses,- Sir Griffin, son of Wenunwyn, Sir Fulk de Orrebi, Sir Hamo le Strange, Roger le Strange". Between the years 1269 and 1275 John le Strange "quartus", son of Sir John, confirms to his Sister Alice 10 solidates of rent in Tottynton (Tottington, Norfolk). Witnesses,- Sir Griffin, son of Wenunwyn, John de Clinton.

Hawise, the other daughter of John le Strange (III), was nobly espoused. Her husband was that very Griffin ap Gwenwynwyn, Prince of Powis, whom we have just seen attesting her Father's and Brother's Charters. When I explain that Hamo le Strange was Lord of Church Stretton, and left England in the Crusade of 1270, it will be sufficient to date and to render very instructive the following fragment of a Deed.- Hawise promisit per assensum mariti sui quod cum frater suus, Dominus Hamo Extraneus, rediret (Qy. redierit) a Terra Sancta licet (Qy. licebit) ei intrare Manerium

[1] Rot. Finium, II. 485.
[2] Dodsworth, Vol. CXLI. p. 128-b.


de Strattone in comitatu Salop; de consensu mariti sui Domini Griffini. Testibus,- Dominis Rogero Extraneo, Roberto fratre suo, Odone de Hodnet. So Hawise, Princess of Powis, was entrusted by her Brother, Hamo, with the keeping of his Manor of Stretton, and he exacted a written promise that it should be restored on his return from Palestine. I have already suggested that Hamo never returned, and I shall hereafter show that Hawise's interest in Stretton only expired with her life.

Before we pass onward from the generation of John le Strange (III), his eleemosynary Deeds require some notice. The Monasteries of Haughmond, Lilleshall, Wombridge, and Acornbury partook, more or less, of his bounty. Of his grants to Wombridge and Haughmond I have spoken or shall speak under appropriate localities. His grant to Lilleshall was a mere Confirmation of the Advowson of Hulm, Norfolk. It probably passed within ten years after his succession. As "John, son of John le Strange", and for the souls' health of himself and his wife Lucia, he gives the said Church. Witnesses,- Sir William de Hedleg, Sir Hugh fitz Robert. [1]

John le Strange's grant to the Herefordshire Nuns of Acornbury is a document, containing many points of local interest, and showing that this great actor in the turmoils of half a century was sincerely regardful of the charities and the religious observances of domestic life. There was an endowed Hospital at Nesscliff, in this Manor, and, attached thereto, was a Chapel called The Church of St. Mary de Rocherio of Nessclif; but the meaning of that appellation escapes me. This institution we have seen benefited by the neighbouring Lord of Felton Butler. It was however in the patronage of the Stranges, and John le Strange (III), doubtless with a view to its efficiency, affiliated it on the Nunnery of Acornbury, with a largely increased endowment, and stipulating for the due performances of divine services in the aforesaid Chapel. An abstract of his Deed, which probably passed about 1250, will convey some further particulars.-

[1] Lilleshall Chartulary, fo. 54.-

Blomefield (Hist. of Norfolk, Vol. X. p. 332) affects to quote a Deed, whereby "John, son of John le Strange, and Lucy his wife, gave the Advowson of Holm to Lilleshall Abbey"; which Deed was attested by "Sir Henry, Sir Roger, and Sir Robert, brothers of the Grantor, by Sir John de Hodewell, and Sir William de Hugfort".

Blomefield does not say where he saw this Deed. The testing-clause contains two words (those printed in Italics) which suggest that he never saw it very distinctly. Hamo, Roger, and Robert, were sons of the Grantor.


Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Extraneus tercius, in plena sanitate et plenaria mea potestate, dedi, pro salute animae meae et uxoris meae et pro animabus puerorum et amicorum, Deo et Ecclesiae Sanctae Crucis de Acornbir' et Margeriae tunc Priorissae ejusdem Domus, hospitale de Nesseclif, cum tota terra eidem hospitali pertinente, et cum omnibus aliis pertinentiis praedictae hospitalis et terrae suae, in bosco, etc., habendum et tenendum de me et haeredibus meis, praedictis Priorissae et monialibus, in perpetuam, liberam et puram elemosynam. Concessi etiam quod habeant infra pasturam manerii mei de Nesse CC oves ad pascuendum et XXIV porcos cum uno apro quietus de pannagio in boscis meis citra pontem de Moneford versus Walliam, et quod habeant infra dictum manerium X vaccas et unum taurum in pastura, et quod habeant tres quercus singulis annis ad locum suum per liberacionem meam et haeredum meorum vel forestariorum, etc., et quod habeant X caretatas de bruera ad opus suum, etc. Concessi etiam quod habeant in omnibus dominicis meis in Salopsir' et in Knokin et Ruton, de qualibet traba unam garbam de quolibet genere bladi, etc., et quod habeant piscariam super ripam de Pevereye quae dicitur Stanwere, et tres voleyas in bosco meo de Nesse. Ad hanc convencionem observandam tenentur dicta Priorissa et Conventus unum Sacerdotem, ministrantem Deo et Sanctis ejus in eadem ecclesia de Rocherio de Nesseclif, cum ministris suis, ad salutem animarum antecessorum meorum et ad salutem animae meae et uxoris meae, puerorum et amicorum, et pro cunctis fidelibus tam vivis quam defunctis. Et ut haec, etc. etc., roboravi. Hiis Testibus, Domino Johanne filio Alani, Domino Roberto Tregau, et Domino Fulgone filio Warini; Domino Griffino filio Wenonwen, Domino Thoma de Rossale, Willielmo de Bedleg (probably Hedleg), Johanne Tregau, Johanne filio Philippi, Almarico de Parco et m. a. [1]

JOHN LE STRANGE (IV) succeeded his Father, as we have seen, in March 1269, having for more than twenty years previous been in active life. He married Joan, daughter of Roger de Somery, Baron of Dudley, and daughter and coheir of Nichola de Albini, [2] first wife of the said Roger, which Nichola was sister and coheir of Hugh de Albini, last Earl of Arundel of his line. This marriage largely increased the wealth and influence of the family. John le

[1] Acornbury Chartulary (in Cur. Augment.) pp. 21, 22, Num. VIII.
[2] Nichola d'Albini was deceased in 1265, when Roger de Somery had remarried with Amabel, widow of Gilbert, and mother of Nicholas, de Segrave. By this Lady he had two sons, so that his daughters by Nichola de Albini were only coheirs of their mother. See Dugdale's Baronage, Vol. I. p. 613-b.


Strange (IV) was deceased on December 28, 1275, for then did his son and heir style himself "Johannes Extraneus quintus, dominus de Knokyn".

"John le Strange and Dame Joan de Somery, his wife", are said to have confirmed Holm Church (Norfolk) to Lilleshall Abbey. The mode in which this statement is made, renders it somewhat doubtful. [1] The same Authority tells us that in 3 Edw. I. (1274-5) "John le Strange held Hunstanton, Ringstead, Holm, and Snetterton, viz. 5 fees of the Honour of Rysing". This is probably correct; but, when the Writer adds that "Le Strange had those estates by his marriage with Joan de Somery", [2] he is not quoting, but rashly extemporizing.

The King's Writ of Diem clausit on the death of John le Strange (IV) did not issue till February 26, 1276. Various Inquests followed: those taken in Gloucestershire and Northamptonshire relating to estates acquired with his wife. The Shropshire Inquest states that he had held 4 carucates in Kinton and Nesse of the King in capite by service of one knight's-fee. The whole estate was valued at 10 per annum. John, his son and heir, was 22 years old.

But the Norfolk Inquest is most important, as proving something of what has been asserted above, concerning the early history of this family.- "The deceased", said the Jurors, "had held nothing in capite in Norfolk; but he had held the Manor of Hunstanston;- on one side of the water, under the heirs of the Earl of Arundel by service of 5 knights'-fees;- and on the other side of the water * * * * [3] of Mileham by service of one knight's-fee". In Hunstanton the deceased had 15 score acres and a Mill, in his own demesne. It is evident, however, that he had resided but little in Norfolk, for the Jurors only expressed their belief about the heir's age, viz. that he was more than 22. [4]

A word now about the marriage of John le Strange (IV) with

[1] Blomefield's Norfolk, Vol. X. p. 333.- There is some capital error in the description of this deed. It purports to be dated at "Knokyn 4 cal. Feb. 1280" (i.e. January 29, 1281) and to be attested by "Roger Springhose, then Sheriff of Salop, Sir Hugh Burnell, Sir Reginald de Lee, and Sir Adam de Chetwynd". This testing-clause and date are mutually consistent, but both are utterly irreconcileable with any Deed of "John le Strange and Joan his wife". I suspect that two Deeds have been confused in this instance.
[2] Blomefield (ibidem), p. 322.
[3] The words effaced were perhaps de honore or something equivalent. Fitz Alan's Fee in Hunstanston was separated from Bigot's (or Albini's) Fee by the brook, which rises in the present Park at Hunstanston, and runs thence seawards in a Northerly direction.
[4] Inquis. 4 Edw. I., No. 38.


Joan de Somery.- It must have taken place at least as early as 1252; but it was not till April 1274 that he obtained her share of Caumpeden and other Manors. [1] This was because her father, Roger de Somery, was entitled to hold all his first wife's estates for the term of his life, and because he lived till 1272-3. We shall presently have proof that Joan de Somery survived John le Strange; and that, as a widow, her estates, inherited from Albini, were at her own disposal.

In proceeding with a further account of Ness Strange and its Lords, I shall now confine myself to a few local or genealogical particulars. The later history of this powerful Baronial House, in its more important relations, is sufficiently notorious already.

JOHN LE STRANGE (V) at once succeeded his father. On January 10, 1276, King Edward I. excuses his beloved Valet, John le Strange, 200 of the debts of his Father and Ancestors.

On June 1, 1276, a curious exchange, between Joan de Somery, of the one part, and John le Strange and his wife Alianore, of the other part, is recorded in the Plea-Rolls. Joan de Somery settles the Manor and Advowson of Midelton (Cambridgeshire) on John and Alianore, and the heirs of John by Alianore, but, in default of such heirs, with remainder to Joan. In return, John le Strange gives to Joan the value of half Midelton (to be taken out of his Manor of Hunstanston) and the Advowson of Hunstanston, and 100 solidates of lands and rents elsewhere, to hold to Joan for her life. If Hunstanston proved non-equivalent to half Midelton, the overplus, if any, was to remain with John le Strange, or the deficiency, if any, was to be made good to Joan out of Le Strange's nearest estates. On Joan's death, and also on Alianore's death, without issue, Hunstanston was to revert to Le Strange. The Advowson and Capital Messuages of either Manor were to pass in exchange, as if equal, and were not to be extended. [2]

The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 puts the service on Nesse as that of one knight for 15 days in time of war. The Feodary of 1284 gives the members of Ness and Kinton as Alreton, Hopton, and Wynelecote (Willcot).

At the Assizes of 1292, John le Strange's defence to a charge of maintaining free-warren in Ness was that his Ancestors had done so a tempore cujus non memoria. [3] On this same occasion he was

[1] Rot. Claus. 2 Edw. I., m. 10.
[2] Coram liege apud West. Trin. Tm. 4 Edw. I., m. 1.- The entry makes Alianore to be Joan's daughter. The mistake is obvious. Alianore's husband was Joan's son.
[3] Vide supra, page 67.


vexatiously sued by a Writ of Quo Waranto for the actual possession of the Manors of Kyngton and Nesse, as the sometime seizin of King Henry II. He merely exhibited the said King's Charter to John le Strange (I) his ancestor, which "gave the said Manors to him and his heirs in fee and inheritance, for the service of one knight's-fee".
[1] Of course that was enough. On January 14, 1298, I find John le Strange attesting a Charter as Dominus Johannes Extraneus Quintus.

The several Writs, announcing the death of "John le Strange of Knokyn", bear date August 8 and September 8, 1309. The Shropshire Inquest was held thereupon on September 20 following. It is greatly defaced, but it seems to have set forth his tenure in capite of the Manors of Kynton and Nesse with the members of Hopton and Olreton, also of some Manor printed Sudley (Query, Mudle, or Middle, which he held of the Earl of Arundel). The Jurors added that "he held other lands in Shropshire, under whom the Jurors knew not. His son and heir, John, had taken no steps to have Inquisitions held as to these other tenures". [2]

From other Inquests it appears that Maud his wife survived him, being heiress of Walton Deyvill (Warwickshire), worth 40 per annum; of lands at Schevyndon (Gloucestershire), worth 2. 11s. 6d. per annum; and of the Manor of Alcrynton (Oxfordshire), worth 7. 16s. 9d. per annum.

The deceased, says the Cambridgeshire Inquest, had held conjointly with Maud his wife, surviving, the Manor of Midleton (value 49. 18s. 3d.). This Maud must have been his second wife, and I cannot see how the settlement of 1276 on Alianore, his first wife, can have benefited Maud, unless some intermediate transaction had taken place. Be that as it may, Maud was (as Dugdale tells us) daughter and heir of Roger d'Eiville, and mother of the two sons of John le Strange (V). Of these, Eubolo, the second son, has been already noticed under Ellesmere; while John, the eldest, was 27 years of age and more, in October 1309. Hamo, the third son, had Hunstanston, and was progenitor of the Stranges of Hunstanston. [3]

[1] Quo Waranto, p. 679-a.
[2] Inquis. 3 Edw. II., No. 46. Calendar, Vol. I. p. 237.
[3] It seems from various documents (still in the possession of H.L. Styleman Le Strange, Esq., of Hunstanston) that Hamo le Strange had some title to the Manor and Castle of Knokyn, and that he accepted Hunstanston in lieu thereof. The settlements connected with this exchange commence on September 6, 1309, and were completed by a Fine in Easter Term 1310. Knokyn was settled by Hamo to Strange on his brother John and on Isolda, John's wife, and the heirs of their bodies, with remainder to the right heirs of John. Hunstanston was settled by John and Isolda on Hamo and the heirs of his body, to be held under John and Isolda by a rose-rent, with remainder to John and Isolda and their heirs.


JOHN LE STRANGE (VI) survived his Father but a short time. The Writ of Diem clausit, announcing his decease, bears date Feb. 6, 1311. A Shropshire Inquest held Feb. 27, 1311, found him to have held the Manor of Kynton and Nesse in capite, by service of one knight's-fee. The estate was valued at 9. 12s. 4d. per annum. Isolda his wife survived him, and had been enfeoffed, conjointly with him, in certain other estates at Knokyn and Melverley. John, his son and heir, was aged 14 years on March 10, 1310. The Cambridgeshire Inquest found the deceased to have died seized of the Manor of Midelton, held, by service of 3 knights'-fees, under the Bishop of Ely. [1]

In the Nomina Villarum of 1316, the Vill of Nesse-le-Estraunge is well assigned to "John le Estraunge, a Minor in the King's custody".

JOHN LE STRANGE (VII) had livery of his inheritance rather later than we should expect from the above Inquest, viz. in 14 Edw. II. (1321-2).

By a Deed (dated at Knokyn, on Sunday, March 21, 1322) John Extraneus of Knokyn gives to Sir Emeric de Pauncefot (a feoffee in trust) two-thirds of his Manor of Nessehome, [2] and the reversion of one-third of the same (on death of the Grantor's mother). Witnesses,- Sir John de Leyburne and Thomas de Roshale, knights; William Banastre, Stephen de Felton, William de Otley, John de Fonteneye, and others.

By a somewhat later, but undated, Deed, Emeric Pauncefot gives to John le Strange and Dame Matilda his wife, all the Manor of Nesse, with the reversion of a dower therein, when it should lapse;- to hold to them and the heirs of their bodies, with remainder to the right heirs of John. Witnesses,- Sir Roger de Mortimer, Lord of Chirk; Sirs John de Sapi, Hugh Godard, and Robert Corbet, knights; Richard Hord, Stephen de Franketon, and Richard de Bagendene.

The Writ of Diem clausit, announcing the death of this John le Strange, bears date May 28, 1323. An Inquest held at Salop, on June 16, 1323, found the deceased to have held two-thirds of Nesse in capite, the whole Manor being held in capite by half a knight's-fee.

[1] Inquis. 4 Edw. II., No. 34.
[2] Equivalent to Nessham, the Domesday name of the Manor (supra, p. 255).


Roger, brother and heir of the deceased, was 22 years of age on August 15, 1322.

A Writ of certiorari, dated August 28, 1323, caused a second Inquest to be held. This was in consequence of a complaint by Matilda, widow of the deceased, alleging her joint feoffment under the above deed in two-thirds of Ness, and in the reversion of one-third after the death of Isolda, her late husband's mother. The petiton further stated Matilda's actual seizin, in conjunction with her husband, since the date of Emeric Pauncefot's feoffment. The second Inquest, now held, dated John le Strange's Deed a year and a half before his death (a loose statement), and added that Pauncefot's consequent seizin lasted forty days, that then he reinfeoffed John and Matilda;- and so forth, as stated in Matilda's petition.
[1] The result of this probably was that Ness was carried by the widow, Matilda, to some second husband. It reverted however to the right heir before the death of Roger le Strange, son and heir of that Roger who succeeded to the other estates of the family in 1323.

OF UNDERTENANTS in Ness Strange, as apart from its members, I have very little to say. Geoffrey, Clerk of Nesse, was a Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1292.

On October 4, 1320, an Inquest on the death of John de Knokyn (before mentioned under Faintree) was held at Ness. He was found to have held Faintree in capite, by Serjeantry. [2] By a Fine, sometime levied between the deceased and one Thomas de Eyton, he also held certain lands in Nesse under John le Strange of Knokyn, by service of two appearances yearly at the greater manorial Courts. This estate had been settled by the above Fine on John de Rous and Mable his wife, which Mable was daughter and coheir of the deceased, and aged 19 years on Feb. 2, 1320. Margaret, the elder daughter and coheir, was aged 22 years on June 25, 1320. [3]


The earliest notice of this Saxon Church is supplied by Domesday. The said notice is both illustrated and corroborated by those several extracts from the Chartulary of Shrewsbury Abbey, which I have set forth when speaking of the neighbouring Church of Middle. [4] That which I have further to say of this Church is as a Rectory in the gift of Shrewsbury Abbey.- The Taxation of 1291 calls it the Church of Nesse Extranea (in the Deanery and

[1] Inquis. 17 Edw. II., No. 34.
[2] Supra, Vol. I. p. 162.
[3] Inquis. 14 Edw. II., No. 31.
[4] Supra, pp. 68-70.


Archdeaconry of Salop); and values it at 10 per annum, besides the Abbot of Shrewsbury's Pension arising therefrom, which was 10s. [1]

In the Inquisitions of 1341 this Church-Taxation is falsely quoted as only 15 merks (10). The Commissioners proceed to tax the Parish of Nesse-Strange at 4 only.- "Much of the Church (i.e. the Parish) was in Wales. There had been a general murrain of sheep. The Glebe, oblata, and small tithes, which went to swell the reputed value of the Church, had moreover nothing to do with an estimate of the Ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb". Hence the reduction allowed by the Commissioners. [2]

It seems that the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury obtained an appropriation of this Church about the middle of the 15th century. I have no other record of the transaction than is implied by the subjoined list of Incumbents. A Rent-Roll of Shrewsbury Abbey, drawn up about 1490, gives the Rectorial tithes of Nesse as 14. A Tenant in Little Ness also paid a modus of 6s. 8d. to the Abbey for the tithes of his wool and lambs.

The Valor of 1535 puts the income of Thomas Battefeld, Vicar of Nesse-Strange, at 9, clear of any standing charges. [3] The Rectorial tithes, receivable by Shrewsbury Abbey, were put at 12. 6s. 8d. [3] The Abbot, as Rector of Ness, was chargeable with an annual pension of 13s. 4d. to the Bishop of Lichfield, with another of 10s. to the Archdeacon of Salop, [3] and with a third of 6s. 8d. to the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield. [3] These were, I presume, in lieu of Synodals and Procurations, and in respect of the original appropriation having been allowed by the several Pensioners. A fourth pension of 20s. was payable by the Abbot to Roger Philippes, "Dean of the Parochial Church of Nesse", according to an ordinance made by the Bishop of Lichfield at the time of appropriation. [4]


ORNEUS, called "Chaplain" or "Priest", [5] was perhaps a Rector of Ness, and identical with Ormus de Ness, who in 1180 was responsible for half a merk to the Sheriff, on account of some Suretiship.

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 247.
[2] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 183.
[3] Valor Eccles. III. 185, 189, 190.
[4] Ibidem, p. 191. The Abbey paid three more such pensions, viz. 20s. to the Dean of Baschurch; 1. 13s. 4d. to the Dean of Wrockwardine; and 13s. 4d. to the Dean of Condover.-

It would seem that at the time when these Rectories were first appropriated, the Bishops thought it a good opportunity to secure a small but permanent endowment for the Rural Dean of the district.
[5] Vide supra, pp. 72, 202.


JOHN, Rector of Ness, occurs as a witness about 1260-1272.

HUGH DE BALLECOT, Rector, died Dec. 8, 1306.

PHILIP DE HARLEYE, Acolyte, had been presented by the Abbot of Shrewsbury on June 18, 1307. The Bishop then allows him to have custody of the Church as a Sequestration till Michaelmas, and gives him Letters Dimissory for the Orders of Subdeacon. On November 27, following, Philip de Harle, Acolyte, was instituted in person of his Proctor. On February 2, 1309, "Philip de Harle, Subdeacon, Rector of the Church of Nesse le Strange", has the Bishop's license for a year's non-residence, studendi gratia. [1] This was repeated on Feb. 3, 1310. On June 6, 1314, Philip de Harle resigned.

WILLIAM DE LA RODE, Subdeacon, admitted May 1, 1315. Same Patrons. He had letters of dispensation in 1315, 1316, and 1317, and lastly for one year commencing July 7, 1318.

MASTER RICHARD DE LONGENOLRE was Rector on Dec. 20, 1323, when he has a like dispensation. He occurs in 1334, 1342, and 1357.

WILLIAM DE WOLLERTON, Priest, was presented March 24, 1362, by the Abbot and Convent of Salop. On July 5, 1364, he exchanges with-

ROBERT WASTENADE, Chaplain, late Rector of Stretton.

SIR WILLIAM PARENTE, Rector of Ness, died 1406.

WILLIAM LOPYNTON, Rector of Ness, exchanges in 1422 with-

SIR ROGER PATERNOSTER, late Rector of All Saints, Grascherch, London. On Paternoster's death, and on July 27, 1347,-

SIR DAVID AP THOMAS, Priest, was instituted. Same Patrons.

SIR WILLIAM BICKLEY, of Ruyton, Chaplain, was instituted as first Vicar of Ness on April 3, 1452. Same Patrons. He resigned in 1466, when, on October 22,-

[1] The form of these licenses is curious. I give a transcript of the one granted on the above occasion. The Bishop is Walter de Langton.-

W. permissione divina Coventr' et Lichf' Episcopus dilecto filio Philippo de Harle, Subdiacono, Rectori Ecclesiae de Nesse-le-Strange nostra dioc', salutem et benedictionem. Cum ad studendum animum habeas ut proponis, nosque quod in Dei Ecclesia fructum uberum facias spem geramus, ut in loco solempni, ubi studium viget generale per unicum annum, a data presentium numerandum, studio litterarum insistere et nichilominus fructus ac proventus ecclesiae tuae predictae cum ea integritate percipere valeas, ac si in ea personaliter resideres, tuae devocione concedimus licentiam postulatam. Proviso quod ecclesia tua predicta debitis interim non fraudetur obsequiis quodque animarum cura in ea nullatenus negligatur. Super quo tibi fieri fecimus hanc nostram litteram patentem in testimonium veritatis. Dat' London' die Purificacionis Beatae Mariae Virginis, A.D. 1308.


SIR JOHN NORTHANDER, Priest, was instituted Vicar on a like presentation.


KINTON. Between the years 1186 and 1210 "John, son of John le Strange, gave to Haughmond Abbey a virgate in Kinton, which Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph, held under him;- to hold to the Abbey, after the said Bishop's decease, at a rent of 40d., payable to the Grantor. Witnesses,- William fitz Alan, Hamo le Strange, Ralph le Strange".

At the Assizes of 1221, Richard de Kinton, accused of the death of Ralph de Tromp, by Simon, son of the deceased, offered himself for trial. His accuser appeared not, and was in misericordia.

About the year 1230, John le Strange (II), calling himself "John, son of John le Strange", gave to Haghmon Abbey a virgate in Kinton, held by William fitz Roger. Rent 40d. Witnesses,- John, son and heir of the Grantor, Ralph de Pichford, [1] Hugh le Strange, John de Chetwynde. [2]

On Dec. 28, 1275, "John Extraneus Quintus, Lord of Knokyn, releases to Haghmon Abbey that rent of 40d. which was payable on a virgate in Kynton, formerly held by Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph; and confirms the said virgate, together with the Vill and Vivary of Vinelcote (Willcot), and the flux and reflex of the water of the said Vivary on every side, and leave to fasten the stank thereof to the grantor's land, and to raise the said stank, and to found a Mill there. Witnesses,- William Hord, Yvo de Sulton, Ralph Payn, John Yris of Teddesmere, Richard Hord, and others. Dated at Haghmon".

On April 20, 1323, John le Strange (VII), styling himself "John Extraneus de Knokyn, Dominus de Nesse, releases to Haghmon all his claim to that alnetum, [3] or moor, near The Hogh, from the place called Whitewelle through the middle of the Sichet, called Wyteleyesich, tb Schetewalle, and thence to Coppede-grene over Schopestowesdich, and so on between the aforesaid bounds and the field of Wynelecot; about all which there had been some dispute. He also concedes and confirms a messuage and virgate given to the Canons by his ancestors, and now held by Eygnon Heylyns. Witnesses,-

[1] Son-in-law of the Grantor, if a view already taken (Vol. VI. p. 873) be correct.
[2] Haughmond Chartulary;- which is also the authority for all the subsequent Charters, quoted under Great Ness.
[3] Moorland, partly overgrown with alder shrubs.


Master Robert de Preston, Stephen de Rossale, Roger de Leton, Master Walter Cocus of Upton, and John fitz Peter of Berewyk. Dated at Haghmon".

WILLCOT. I shall have much to say under Oswestry of a Hospital, founded there at a great cost, and with a devotion and perseverance which do honour to the name and memory of Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph (1186-1224). The Bishop bought the whole Township of Willcot from the second John le Strange at the enormous price of 70 merks, in order that he might bestow it on the said Hospital. This was between the years 1204 and 1210, if the following Deed marks a second but immediate step in the transaction.- Thereby "John, son of John Extraneus, gives to the Hospital of White-Minster and to the Brethren and Poor thereof, the whole Vill of Winelcote, with its appurtenances;- rendering a rent of one bezant, or 2 shillings, to the Grantor. For this donation, Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, gave the Grantor 70 merks. And if it should chance that, by any accident, quod absit, the said Hospital should be altogether annihilated, then the Grantor, by the said Bishop's request, gives the Vill and land of Winelcote to Haghmon Abbey, to sustain the poor at the Gate of the Abbey". The Grantor stipulates that "after Bishop Reyner's death the Mill and Vivary of Winelcote shall revert freely to the Grantor or to his heirs. Witnesses,- Sir Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, Ralph, Abbot of Lileshul".

Soon after this, but still before the year 1210, Bishop Reyner seems to have arranged with the Canons of Haghmon that they should have the Hospital estate at Willcot on condition of their providing and maintaining a Chantry or Chapel within the Hospital Walls. This necessitated a second Confirmation from John le Strange (II). I give so much of it as relates to Willcot in the Grantor's own words.- Johannes filius Johannis Extranei dedi, concessi, etc., Deo et Sancto Johanni et Canonicis de Haghmon, et., totam villam de Vinelecote cum molendino et vivario ejusdem et cum duabus moris et cum le Merchis, [1] in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosynam, et in auxilium sustentacionis unius Cantariae apud Le Sputti [2] tempore pacis. Hiis testibus; Willielmo filio Alani, Radulfo Abbate de Lilleshull, Hugone Extraneo, Rogero Sprengehose, Helya de Cotes, etc.

[1] The Marshes, I presume.
[2] Sputte or Sputti is a mere vulgar contraction of the word Hospital. Thus Hospital-Street in Bridgnorth is known at this day by the inelegant name of Spittle Street.


It is probable that this grant to Haghmon, as well as the unconditional inclusion of the Mill and Vivary, were premature and inadvertent; for they were rectified in a Confirmation which John le Strange (III) expedited to the Hospital, in his Father's lifetime, and probably about 1227 or 1228,- The Son quotes and confirms the first Charter of his Father to Oswestry Hospital (not to Haghmon Abbey), excepting the Mill and Vivary, and with the remainder to Haghmon, as expressed in his Father's Charter. "Witnesses,- Sir John fitz Alan; Sir John le Strange, my father; Hamo le Strange, my brother". However, in 1275 (as we have seen under Kinton), John le Strange (V) confirmed Willcot, as well as its Vivary, to Haghmon Abbey, with leave to found a Mill.

A great Confirmation of John Extraneus Sextus, dated Oct. 10, 1310, not only releases to Haghmon Abbey all right to a virgate in Kynton, as previously released by his Father, but confirms the Vill and Vivary of Winelecote in terms even more ample than those already quoted from his Father's Charter. Witnesses,- Richard Hord of Walleford, Thomas de Withynton, John Husee, Richard Banastre, Master Robert de Preston, etc.

John le Strange (VII), by Deed dated at Salop on July 19, 1322, "releases to the Abbey all his right to the Vivary of Wilcote and to a virgate in Kynton, and gives 2s. rent, heretofore paid by the Abbot's Tenant (William le Lleyr) to the Grantor's Ancestors for an assart. Witnesses,- Thomas le Botiler of Feltone, Reginald de Bikedone, Master Robert de Prestone, Stephen de Rossale, William de Otlege, William Banastre, William Chapman of Eytone, etc". John de Helton, Bailiff of Ness, is contemporaneously deputed to give the Abbot seizin of the premises, so that I suppose there had been some previous question as to the Abbot's title.

I cannot say which "John le Strange, Lord of Knokin", it was, who, on occasion of an Aid levied on his Tenants towards knighting his eldest son, exonerated the Abbot's Tenants at Winelecote from contributing. The deed of acquittal was attested by John de Lee, John de Penebrug, then Seneschall of Sir John le Strange, and Geoffrey, Clerk.

On August 9, 1328, Roger le Strange, "son of Sir John le Strange the sixth", released to Haghmon Abbey all his right in the Vill, Vivary, or Mill, of Willcot.

The Abbot of Haughmond's ulterior receipts from his estate at Willcot have been included in a statement given under Hadnall. [1]

[1] Supra, page 60.


NESS-CLIFF. This part of Great Ness was the site of the Chapel of St. Mary de Rocherio, as it was called, and of a Hospital, both of which were submitted by the third John le Strange to the Nuns of Acornbury. I cannot find a particle of evidence that any trust or advantage remained with the Nuns under John le Strange's grant, and, though at the Dissolution they had other property in Shropshire, they had nothing at Ness.

The site of Nesscliff Chapel is or was lately occupied by a School. An Inscription on the front of the said School embodied the tradition that a Chapel had once stood there, but as the Epigram was rather impious than apt, I need not record it. [1]

HORTON. This member of Ness is sometimes spoken of as a distinct manor. I know no more of its history than that the Abbot of Haughmond had some land there. [2]


The Domesday Manor of Ness was 5 hides. In 1255 it was reduced to 2 hides. There was some reason for this. It will hardly be sufficient to account for the discrepancy, if we repeat how Willcot and a part of Kinton had been alienated to Haghmon Abbey, or if we suggest that the Stranges may have subtracted portions of their Manor from English jurisdiction, and annexed them to the Walcheria of Knokyn. One of the Domesday hides of Ness lay, I think, at a distance from the central Manor, and quite in another direction than would be calculated to throw it into Walcheria. It was in fact Weston Lullingfield.

The Domesday Survey of Nesse speaks of some Welsh Tenants in the Manor, but speaks also of a "certain Robertus whose four Undertenants were Villeins, and paid him 5s. rent". [3] I venture to amplify this statement, and to suppose that it was Robert Pincerna who thus held Weston, an outlying member of Ness, and farmed it out to Villeins. We shall see (under Walford and Stanwardine) that the feudal position of Robert Pincerna was afterwards occupied by the successive Lords of the Honour of Montgomery. William de Cantilupe, Lord of Montgomery in 1254, was Mesne-Lord of Weston Lullingfield, holding under John le Strange of Ness, and over three Tenants in Coparcenery.-

Thus the Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 describes the matter;

[1] Dean Woodhouse (then Archdeacon of Salop), in his Visitation of 1799, says that "Nesscliff Chapel went to decay in the last century, being unendowed".
[2] Supra, pp. 60, 114.
[3] Supra, page 256.


not adverting however to William de Cantilupe's decease in the previous year.- "Roger de Ondeslauwe, William de Hochton, and Adam de Chinnovere hold one hide in Weston, doing for Sir William de Cantilupe, in time of war, the service of one foot-soldier, with bow and arrows, for 40 days. And the said Tenants are to do suit to John le Strange's Court of Nesse. Weston is not geldable. It has a franchise, the Jurors know not by what warranty, unless it be under cover of the Franchise of John le Strange of Nesse aforesaid". [1] This surmise of the Jurors was undoubtedly correct. What perplexed them was, that other Manors in their Hundred, which Cantilupe held in capite, had no such Franchise, and were geldable.

We shall see under Stanwardine and Eyton that Sir William de Leighton was at this time interested in those localities. At the Assizes of 1256 he sued Roger de Ondesloue, William de Houhton, and Hugh de Hampton, for disseizing him of common pasture in 30 acres of moorland at Thakimor. The Defendants evaded the issue by pleading that Tackimor was no vill, but a place without buildings. The objection was fatal, but the Plaintiff had leave to amend his Writ.

The following extracts relate partly to Weston Lullingfield, and partly to Petton.- About August 1256, Richard de Petton, Roger de Hundelawe (Onslow), and their fellows, fine 2 merks for some Assize to be had. On August 5, 1256, a Writ issued for trial of a case of disseizin, alleged by Roger (read Richard) de Petton and others against John le Strange, concerning common pasture in Goffles and Billemers (Bilmarsh), and concerning tenements in Petton, Weston, Sleap, and Burhton (Burleton). On Sept. 14, 1256, a Writ issued for trial of a disseizin, charged by Richard de Petton (alone) against John le Strange and others, concerning a tenement in Petton-Corstes. On Oct. 17, 1256, a similar Writ issued, for trial of a disseizin in Weston, charged by Roger de Ondeslawe against John le Estrange. I suppose that John le Strange had been using his paramount seigneury at Weston to the injury of Cantilupe's tenantry, there and at Petton, and for the advantage of his own Tenants at Middle.

At the death of George de Cantilupe in 1273, Weston was put down among the Manors, held under him as Lord of Montgomery. The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279, calls this place Weston super Lechfeld, and says that it was held "of the heir of William de

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 76.


Cantilupe by service of three foot-soldiers, with bows and arrows, for 15 days at Montgomery, in time of war".

In Easter Term 1280 Milisent la Zouche (sister and coheir of George de Cantilupe, and widow of Eudo la Zouche) was suing various tenants of the Honour of Montgomery for their feudal services. Among the rest she sued Roger de Underlowe (Onslow), William Tythel, William de Hunton (probably Hochton), and Thomas de Felton, for half a knight's-fee in Weston. This suit, still pending in 1283, is then said to be against William de Underlowe and William de Hochton only. [1]

I can trace nothing further about the Coparceners of Weston Lullingfield, save that which occurs about one or other of them in distinct relations, and has been stated elsewhere.


THIS was also a demesne-manor of the Norman Earl of Shrewsbury; probably retained in his hand on account of the Mere annexed to it. Ipse Comes tenet Fenemer. Seuuardus tenuit, et liber homo fuit. Ibi dimidia hida geldabilis. Terra est I carrucae. Wasta fult et est. [2]

It is probable that, soon after Domesday, Fennymere was given by one of the Norman Earls to Reiner the Provost. This Reiner, whom I take to be the earliest recorded Provost of Shrewsbury, conveyed the estate to Shrewsbury Abbey. King Henry I.'s Confirmation describes the grant as if it bad been made in the time of one of the Norman Earls. At all events it was earlier than 1121, the year of Henry's Confirmation, which says "Rainerius Prepositus (dedit) quandam terrulam cum lacu qui vocatur Finemera".
[3] We have other notices of Rainer the Provost. Between the years 1107 and 1123 he follows Richard, Bishop of London (then Viceroy of Shropshire) in attesting the Abbot of Shrewsbury's purchase of a house within Shrewsbury Castle,- "the first house, or one of the first" (says the Record) "that was built there". About 1136,

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. [1]22. The Record places Weston "near Alberbury"; but this is only one of its many inaccuracies.
[2] Domesday, fo. 259, b, 2.
[3] Salop Chartulary, No. 35.
[4] Ibidem, No. 1.


King Stephen's Confirmation to Shrewsbury Abbey tells us of Roger the Archdeacon and Reiner the Praefect having attested a grant in the suburbs; also of Reiner the Praefect himself having given land near Shrewsbury to the Abbey, on account of his Son, whom he had made a Monk. King Henry II's Confirmation describes this last grant as that of Reiner Praepositus. Doubtless Reiner was a wealthy and influential personage, and presided over the Borough of Shrewsbury for a long series of years. However his grant of Fennymere to the Abbey is only mentioned in Henry I.'s Confirmation. It probably was abortive, for Fennymere became annexed to the Fief of Fitz Alan.

Fitz Alan's seigneury here, does not appear till a late period. Meantime the Records make unusually frequent allusions to the Tenancy.- At the Assizes of August 1226, Thomas de Linches and Emma his wife were found to have disseized Stephen fitz Warin and Alice de Fennimare of common pasture in Fennimare, pertaining to their tenement in that vill. At the Assizes of 1256, it was alleged that one Edwin had held a virgate in Fennymare in the time of King Henry II., that the said Edwin left a son and heir, Edwin, that the latter left a son and heir, Richard de Fennymare, and that Richard left a daughter and alleged heir, Isabella, who now claimed half the premises against Stephen fitz Warin, and half against Richard fitz Stephen, the existing occupants.- Stephen and Richard pleaded that Richard de Fennymare had also left a son, John, whose name was not inserted in the Plaintiff's case. This appears to have been true, and as we shall see, obliged the Plaintiff to amend her case. At the same Assizes, the two Defendants in the last suit were impleaded by Stephen de Asseford, for disseizing him of common pasture in Fenemere. The Defendants proved that they had assarted the common in question, by consent of the Lord of the Fee, before the Plaintiff had any tenement in the Manor. The Plaintiff was nonsuited, but his amercement was excused, at instance of Henry, son of the Earl of Cornwall.

The Pipe-Roll of 1267 exhibits Isolda de Fennygmareis as owing a fine of half a merk for some Assize. This Isolda was the Isabella of the former suit. Her new grievance appears on the Plea-Roll of August 1267. As heir of her father, Richard de Fennemere, she sued Stephen de Asford for, a third of 3 virgates in Fennemere. She recovered the claim, and John, son of Thomas de Alford, who appeared as Warrantor of Stephen's title, was ordered to give his Feoffee an equivalent elsewhere.


Again, at the Assizes of October 1272, Isolda, daughter of Peter (read Richard) de Fennemare, sued Mable de Fennemere and John her son for another third of the Manor of Fennemare. She now deduced her claim from one Edwyn, living in the time of King John, to Edwin, his son and heir;- from the last Edwin to Richard, his son and heir; from Richard to John, his son and heir;- from John, who died issueless, to Thomas, his brother and heir;- and from Thomas, who died issueless, to Isolda, his sister and heir, the present Plaintiff. The Defendants replied that Thomas had two sisters, viz. Isolda (the present Plaintiff) and Matilda, the elder of the two, of whom there was no mention in the Plaintiff's case. Isolda denied this, and affirmed that Peter (read Thomas) had no other sister but herself. The Jury found that Thomas (sic, recte) had two sisters; so Isolda was in misericordia.

I have noticed under Acton Reynold that at these same Assizes there was a suit between Stephen de Aysford and Reyner de Acton about a tenement in Fennemere. [1] This leads up to the further information of the Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279, viz. that "Reginald de Acton then held Fenymer immediately under Richard fitz Alan".


THE Domesday Hundred of Bascherch contained a Fief, not as yet alluded to, and which was held by Robert Pincerna under the Norman Earl. Walford is the first Manor in the series, and is thus described in the Record.- Rotbertus Pincerna tenet, de Rogerio Comite, Waleford, et Sturmid de eo. Seuuard tenuit tempore Regis Edwardi. Ibi II hidae. In dominio est dimidia carruca; et unus Bovarius, et II Villani, et II Bordarii cum I carruca et dimidia. Tempore Regis Edwardi valebat XV solidos; et post fuit wasta. Modo valet XX solidos. [2]

Robert Pincerna was probably Chief Butler to the Norman Earls of Shrewsbury. He was living in the time of Earl Hugh (1093-8), and attests with the Earl a Charter already noticed. [3] He probably shared the forfeiture of his Suzerain, Earl Robert, in 1102; for

[1] Supra, page 63.
[2] Domesday, fo. 256, a, 2.
[3] Supra, Vol. VI. p. 170.


Henry I., when he founded the Honour of Montgomery, seems to have annexed thereto the whole escheated estate of Robert Pincerna. This being the general rule, we expect to find that any Manor, primarily held under Robert Pincerna, was subsequently held under the Lords of Montgomery.

What became of Robert Pincerna's Tenant, Sturmid, I know not. In 1201, William fitz Gilbert was a principal Tenant of the then Lord of Montgomery. He held 3 hides of land, situated in Walford, Stanwardine-in-the-Field, Eyton (near Baschurch), Aston (near Oswestry), the two Hislands (near Oswestry), the two Woottons (near Oswestry), and in Twiford. By a Fine, levied at Shrewsbury, before Henry (de Furneaux), Sheriff, William fitz Alan, and other Lieges of the King, on October 15, 1201, William fitz Gilbert surrendered the above 3 hides to Reginald de Hedinge;- who had sued him under a King's-Writ for the same. In return, Reginald de Hedinge gave William fitz Gilbert half a hide in Stanford, and undertook to provide him for life with food, apparel, and horses, as if he were his nephew (sicut unum ex nepotibus suis).

William fitz Gilbert was heir, it seems, of his elder brother, Walter. He died within two years after the above Fine, without issue, and left an only sister, Alice. At the Assizes of 1203, this Alice, claiming to be heir of her brother Walter, sued Reginald de Hedding for an eighth part of a knight's-fee in Stanworthin, Eiton, Walleford, Twiford, Aston, Wodeton, Parva Wodeton, Hideslond, and Parva Hideslond. Reginald appeared, acknowledged that Walter had died seized of the premises, but added that, since then, William, Walter's brother, had also died. This objection, fatal to any suit of mort d'ancestre, was not controverted by Alice. The Court gave her leave, if she chose, to sue under another form, viz. by a Writ de recto. [1] She thought it better to compromise the matter. A Fine was forthwith (that is, on Oct. 6, 1203) levied, whereby Alice fitz Gilbert (Plaintiff) quitclaimed the whole premises to Reginald de Hedinge (Tenant) who conceded to her, for life, one virgate and 3 bovates of the same fee, in Stanworthin, to hold, by payment of 20d. rent to Reginald, and by discharge of all services due to the Crown. Reginald also gave Alice 30s. in money.

In Michaelmas Term, 1213, I find Reginald de Hesting naming Philip fitz Simon his Attorney in a Placitum intrusionis against Walter Flandrensis. Soon afterwards, "Reginald de Hastings fines half a merk that he may compound his suit with Walter Flandrensis

[1] Assizes, 5 John, m. 5.


concerning one virgate and 3 bovates in Stanwurthin. And Walter appeared, and surrendered the land as the right of Reginald, according to a Fine levied between the said Reginald and Alice fitz Gilbert". I suppose that Alice fitz Gilbert was now dead, and that Walter le Fleming, either as Seigneural Lord, or as heir or assignee, had entered on the land which, under the Fine of 1203, she only held for life, with remainder to Reginald de Hesding.

REGINALD DE HESDING, thus enriched, was probably a relation of the Fitz Alans. In 1190 and 1196 he had served as Deputy-Sheriff under the second William fitz Alan. In May 1212, when Fitz Alan's Barony was in the King's-hand, Reginald de Hesding was acting as Constable of Oswestry in the service of King John. Reginald de Hesding had a son, Ernulf, who had married Cecily, daughter and coheir of John de Marchomley, before 1206, and had acquired with her a property in Essex. [1]

About 1216-1218, "Reginald de Hedinge gave to Haghmon Abbey three half-virgates in Walford, with all his share of the wood of Walford, also all his land of Twiford, viz. 3 nokes, and all his land in Great and Little Wootton, viz. 4 nokes, and all his land of Aston, with its meadows, moors, etc., and all his land of Great and Little Hisland, both that which he had in demesne and that which was held under him in villeinage;- saving only the services due to the Chief-Lords. Witnesses,- John fitz Alan, Robert de Girros, Vivian de Roshall". After this I hear nothing more of the Hesdings as connected with Shropshire. It is clear that the interest which they had acquired from the Fitz Gilberts, in Walford and elsewhere, was the interest of a Tenant or of a Coparcener, and not in any case an entire Manor.

The above account, I may here say, seems to involve but a fraction of a very ramified subject. I think that the person called-

WALTER LE FLEMING, or Walter Flandrensis, whom I have next to notice, must have lived in the reigns of Richard I., John, and the early part of Henry III. He certainly held Walford, Stanwardine-in-the-fields, and Eyton, immediately under the Lords of Montgomery. There is evidence that his Tenure was even more extensive than this. It was however these three Manors which constituted what was usually called the Fee of Stanwardine. This Walter left six or more daughters to share his inheritance. Two of his daughters were yet unmarried in 1227. One of his daughters

[1] Supra, Vol. IX. p. 274.


(Juliana) and at least three of her sisters were alive in 1248-9; but five of Walter le Fleming's daughters were represented by their Grandchildren, or by still more remote descendants, in the year 1292, and that fact alone is sufficient to fix the aera of Walter le Fleming as early as I have placed it. It is hardly possible that one of his daughters can have been wife of that Gilbert, and mother of that Walter, and William, and Alice, who have been mentioned above. I therefore conclude the latter to have been his Tenants.

The Feodary of 1240 is too concise to be instructive as to the Fee of Stanwardine. It merely says that "Juliana de Staneworthin and her Coparceners hold a knight's-fee in Staneworthin of the Fees of William de Cantilupe" [1] (then Lord of Montgomery). Here Juliana not only represents herself, but at least five Sisters or their descendants, and Stanwardine represents at least three Manors, of which Walford was one. Among the Coparceners he who perhaps had the chief interest in Walford was-

PHILIP DE HUGFORD. His wife's name was Sibil; and Cecilia, daughter and coheir of Walter le Fleming, is said to have had a daughter, Sibil; but the husband of Cecilia le Fleming I cannot name. One Philip de Hugford comes into notice as early as 1209. His predicament at that date has already been told. [2] He was probably a brother of that Walter de Hugford who was living at the time, and involved in a similar trouble. In 1240 Philip de Hugford and his wife Sibil had a Tenant at Walford, viz. Richard le Knicht, who held a virgate of land under them by the singular service which probably obtained for him the sobriquet of Le Knight. His duty was, when ordered, to ride in the company of his Suzerains, at any, time of the year, and to any part of Shropshire, at his own charges; but, if he went out of the county, his expenses were to be paid. There was a dispute about this service; and, by a Fine levied on November 18, 1240, it was commuted for an annual rent of 2s., payable to Philip and Sibil and the heirs of Sibil. Philip and Sibil also granted to their tenant estovers in Walford Wood, to be taken under view of their Foresters, and barring all future hindrance from Sibil's heirs. Sibil, wife of Philip de Hugford, occurs in 1249, and Philip de Hugford was living in 1255. His position as one of the Coparceners, then stated to be holding Stanwardine, must be taken to extend to the whole Fee of Stanwardine. All that I can further say of Philip de Hugford has respect to his wife, Sibil, if she was indeed a daughter of Cecilia, daughter of Walter

[1] Testa de Nevill, p. 46.
[2] Supra, Vol. III. p. 14.


le Fleming. Sibil, a daughter of the said Cecilia, is said, in one Record, to have left a daughter, Sibil, and the latter Sibil to have left a daughter and heir, Amicia, and Amicia to have had a daughter Evota, which Evota was living in 1292, but not taking any share in a Suit to which some of the Coparceners in the Fee of Stanwardine were parties. This statement involves improbabilities both chronological and genealogical, but I cannot correct it any further than by questioning its truth as a whole.

Another estate at Walford seems to be the burthen of the following documents, but whether any of the parties were coheirs of Walter le Fleming, or only tenants or assignees of those Coheirs, I cannot determine. On September 26, 1260, Nicholas de Walford is suing Robert de Bullers and others for disseizing him of a tenement in Walesford. On May 28, 1283, a Fine was levied which shows that William fitz Baldwin [1] and his wife Sibil were seized of half the Manor of Walford. Eva, wife of Walter le Drayton, to whom they propose to give the said moiety, was one of three or more Sisters, daughters, I believe, of Hugh de Wotherton, who was alive at the time. If this surmise be correct, Eva was now 17 years of age. By the above Fine William fitz Baldwin and Sibil settle the said moiety of Walford, on Walter and Eva and the heirs of Eva;- paying a rent of 2 cloves to the Grantors, and to the heirs of Sibil, and performing all capital services. If Eva should die without issue by her husband Walter, and her sisters Amicia and Johanna should be living at the time; then the Eastern half (versus Solem) of the said moiety was to go to Amicia and the heirs of her body, paying a rent of one clove to the Grantors, etc.; and the Western half (that versus umbram) was to remain similarly to Johanna. If either Amicia or Joanna died issueless in the lifetime of the other, there was a remainder of their respective shares to the Survivor. For the whole settlement, Walter de Drayton and his wife, Eva, are stated to give a sore hawk.

It is a conjecture, but, I think, a reasonable one, that the above Walter de Drayton died without issue by his wife, Eva, and that it was she who (being, as I know, a widow in October 1292) afterwards remarried with Richard Hord. I can account in no other

[1] William fitz Baldwin's real name was, I think, De Bollers; so that perhaps he was related to Robert de Bullers, above-mentioned. I cannot think that William had himself any right of coparcenery in Walford, though it seems probable that his wife Sibil had. She may have been Philip de Hugford's daughter. The Grantees in the above Fine were not related to William and Sibil in any way likely to induce such a settlement. I suppose it was in the nature of a bargain.


way for the prominent interest which the Hords acquired in Walford. They were a numerous family, these Hords, but the branch of which I speak is usually distinguished as of Walford.-

HORD OF WALFORD. Richard Hord married Eva, the eldest of four sisters and Coheirs of John de Wodenorton (now Wotherton). By this match he obtained lands at Wotherton and Rodenhurst. Eva was aged 30 at the time of her brother's death (March 1296). [1] Indeed Richard Hord of Walford will have married his wife, Eva, soon after October 1292 (if she was Walter de Drayton's widow), for on September 8, 1293, their eldest son, Richard, was born. In December 1296 Richard Hord appears as Juror on a Forest Inquest. "On January 1, 1307, the Abbot of Haghmon demises, in perpetual farm, to Richard Hord and Eva his wife, and their heirs lawfully begotten, all the Abbot's part of the vill of Walleford, both messuages and lands, saving to the Abbot his Wood of Walford and a parcel of waste. The Feoffees are to pay a rent of 2 merks, for which they bind all the land which they have in Walford. A Heriot also, and a Relief on succession of any heir, are reserved. Witnesses,- Thomas de Roshal, Vivian his brother, and Richard de Lecton".

We have seen William, and Richard Hord mentioned together in 1311, [2] and in such a position as to leave it supposable that they were brothers, and that Richard was not the elder.

On November 28, 1313, "the Abbot of Haghmon grants a piece of waste land (that previously reserved, I presume) in Walford, to Richard Horde of Walleford and his heirs; and the Grantee binds himself to pay 7s. rent for the same. Witnesses,- Sir Philip de Say, Alexander de Shavynton, Robert de Preston".

We have seen Richard Horde appointed in May 1319 on a Royal Commission for settling some arrentations at Ellesmere. [3] Between the years 1323 and 1325 we have seen Richard Hord of Walford and Richard his son attesting a Deed of Roger, Lord Strange, of Knokyn. [4]

On January 5, 1326, a Writ of Diem clausit announces the death of Richard Hord of Walleford. I suppose it was owing to his estates at Walford being settled, and not held in capite, that the Inquest takes no notice of them. Richard, his son and heir, was 25 years of age on Sept. 8, 1318. [5] On June 7, 1335,-

RICHARD HORD (II), as he may be called, attests with Sir Walter de Hopton, knight, Richard Husee, Roger de Leeton, and Stephen

[1] Inquis. 24 Edw. I., No. 55.
[2] [3] Supra, pages 77, 245.
[4] Supra, page 78.
[5] Inquis. 19 Edw. II., No. 73.


de Roshall, an agreement made between Haghmon Abbey and Sir Thomas de Roshall. The Abbot had fenced a place called Symondesley, in Walford, and the Knight, claiming a right of common there, had pulled the fence down. The agreement allows the Abbot's improvements to a certain extent, and reserves some advantages of common for the knight's tenants at Eton and Jagdon. Sir Thomas is also allowed to make a fence between Muridon Wood and Jagdon Park. [1]

An agreement made May 27, 1340, between Adam, Abbot of Shrewsbury, and the Abbot of Haghmon again shows Richard Hord as a Landowner in Walford. The Abbot of Haghmon had assarted some land, between his own Wood and the new assart of Richard Hord, and had, under his privileges, tilled it tithe-free. Recently it had been leased for life to Richard de Walford; and the Abbot of Shrewsbury, as Impropriator of Baschurch Rectory, successfully maintained that it was now tithable, and would remain so as long as it was leased to any tenant, secular or religious. But he allowed that on its resumption by Haghmon it would again become tithe-free. [2] Richard Hord (II) was living in 1346.

JOHN HORD, of Walford, son and perhaps successor of Richard, was, with his wife Margery, outlawed for felony in June 1350. By an Inquest, held on Dec. 8, 1354, they appear to have held a messuage and virgate in Walford, and 14s. annual rent, in Eyton, under William la Zouche of Haryngworth. Roger le Fox was now (1354) holding the premises, but the King had never had the usual (year and day) tenure of the same, nor had any one else, on the King's behalf. [3]

Outlawry at the period of which we treat was by no means decisive of the fate of a family.-

ROGER HORD of Stanwardine was Lord of Roden in 1372 and Sheriff of Shropshire in 1381. [4] He was clearly the representative of the Hords of Walford, and, supposing Blakeway's account to be correct, he was ancestor of the Hords of Hords-Park (near Bridgnorth). If so, it must have been through a younger son, for the elder male line of Hord of Walford ended with-

JOHN, SON OF ROGER HORD, who died in Ireland on July 20, 1398. He had, long before his death, enfeoffed various Trustees in his Manors of Walford and Wotherton, in the reversionary Manor of Stanwardine-in-the-Wood and in his lands at Chelmick and Rodenhurst. These Trustees were still seized at the time of his death,

[1] Hanghmond Chartulary, fo. 224.
[2] Ibidem, fo. 224 dorso.
[3] Inquis. 28 Edw. III., 2nd Nos., No. 7.
[4] Blakeway's Sheriff's, page 53.


but the right heirs of the deceased were Fulk Sprenchose and John Gotmond of Yockleton, both of full age. [1]

KNIGHT OF WALFORD. We have seen that Richard le Knight held a virgate here in 1240 under Philip and Sibil de Hugford. Richard le Knight had also his own Feoffees in Walford.

About 1250-5 "Richard de Walleforde, son of Philip the Priest, for the souls of himself and his brother Ralph, gave to Haghmon Abbey 6d. rent off half a virgate in Walleforde, sometime held by his brother Ralph. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Roshale; Sir Vivian, his son; Philip Huggefort".

Immediately afterwards "Richard le Knist (Knight) of Watford gives to the Abbey 14d. rent off half a virgate, which Richard, son of Philip the Chaplain, held under the Grantor;- to hold to the Canons, together with 6d. rent which they already had from the same tenement. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Costentin, Walter de Hopton, and Vivian de Roshale, Knights".

Soon afterwards "Richard, son of Philip, the Priest of Walford, gave 12d. rent to the Abbey, off half a virgate which his brother Ralph had bequeathed to him. Witness,- Thomas de Muridon".

A second Richard Knight appears as "Richard Miles of Walford", on an Ellesmere Jury in 1274 and as Richard Knight of Walford in a matter of the year 1300, already mentioned under Bentmill. [2] Also we have had previous notices of a Richard de Walford occurring in 1320, 1333, and 1340.

The receipts of Haughmond Abbey from its estate at Walford are classed with those from Fitz in the Valor of 1291. [3]

Stanwardine in the Field.

Domesday surveys this Manor next after Watford, and as held under the Earl by Robert Pincerna.- Isdem Robertus tenet Staurdine. Eldred tenuit. Ibi II hide. Ibi est unus Villanus et unus Bordarius et Faber cum dimidia carruca; et adhuc II carrucae possent ibi esse. Valuit et valet X solidos. [4]

The condition of the Seigneury of Stanwardine, in the reign of John, has been stated or implied under Walford. What became of

[1] Inquis. 22 Ric. II., No. 24.
[2] [3] Supra, pp. 103, 149.
[4] Domesday, fo. 256, a, 2.


the virgate and 3 bovates which reverted to Reginald de Hesding in 1213-4, I cannot say.-

WALTER LE FLEMING was then living, and was, I suppose, Mesne Lord of Stanwardine and its associated Manors, holding the same under the Lords of Montgomery and over any tenants who might chance, like Reginald de Hesding, to have obtained feoffments in the Fee of Stanwardine, as it was called. Walter le Fleming had (as I have said) six or more daughters and coheirs. Of some of them I shall speak presently. To show how directly the Fee of Stanwardine was held under the Lords of Montgomery, and how the term "Fee of Stanwardine" was used to designate more Manors than one, I will here quote an entry from the Assize-Roll of August 1226.- "The Abbot of Hageman had been summoned to answer William de Cantilupe (then Lord of Montgomery) as to the Abbot's intrusion into (that part of) William's Fee of Staneworthyn, which was now held by Robert de Teneraye. The Parties had agreed out of Court, and were amerced for so doing; but the Record states that the Abbot had acknowledged that any wardships and reliefs which might accrue within the Fee were due to Cantilupe, and that he undertook to render such dues". Now, in Stanwardine itself, the Abbot had not an acre. Therefore the Fee of Stanwardine refers to his acquisitions in Walford, Aston, Twiford, Wooton, and Hisland.

Robert de Teneraye's tenure under Cantilupe is quite another matter. Knowing what we do of Robert de Teneraye, it is clear that no such right can have accrued with his wife, who was an heiress at Haughton (near Morville), and probably married him while he was constable of Bridgnorth. His tenure in the fee of Stanwardine may have been as successor to De Hesding, or as a Bailiff of the Lords of Montgomery, or else as having custody of some of Walter le Fleming's Coheirs.

And now for these said Coheirs.- The Feodary of 1240 only informs us that "Juliana de Staneworthin and her Coparceners hold a knight's-fee in Staneworthin under William de Cantilupe". [1]-

JULIANA DE STANWARDINE Was undoubtedly one of the daughters of Walter le Fleming. A Fine of November 8, 1248, names, I suppose, three more daughters and two other descendants of Walter le Fleming. These were Amilia, wife of Yarwurth fitz Madoc, Illaria fitz Walter, Elizabeth fitz Walter, Hugh fitz Hugh, and Hamo le Butiler. A Plea-Roll of 1249, though it does not relate to the Fee of Stanwardine, gives us the names, I conceive, of some

[1] Testa de Nevill, p. 46.


or all of the Coparceners. They were "Juliana, daughter of Walter le Fleming" (with whom the list commences); "Sibil, wife of Philip de Hugford; Hugh de Patinton; Alora le Fleming (perhaps the Illaria fitz Walter of the Fine); Amilia, wife of Yarford fitz Madok; Elizabeth, Amilia's sister; Hugh fitz Hugh; and Hamo le Botyler". Here I take it that Juliana, Alora, Amilia, and Elizabeth were daughters, and that Sibil was granddaughter of Walter le Fleming. How Hugh de Patinton, Hugh fitz Hugh, and Hamo le Botyler represented any daughters of Walter le Fleming I will try to determine elsewhere.

The Pimhill Hundred-Roll of 1255 says that "William de Lechton, Philip de Huggeford, the Abbot of Haemon, Hugh de Patinton, and John de Esseford, hold 5 geldable hides in Stanewrthin; and the estate is of the Fee of William de Cantilupe, and held by doing service of one knight yearly in wartime. It does suit to County and Hundred, and paid 3s. 8d. for motfee and stretward".

This estimate must have included at least three Domesday Manors, viz. Stanwardine (2 hides), Walford (2 hides), and Eyton (1 hide). It also included something more, but where that something (represented by another half-hide) was, I will not here discuss. As to the five sharers in the Fee of Stanwardine, named in the Hundred Roll, the Abbot of Haughmond did not represent any Coparcener. His feoffment had been abstracted from the estate before it fell to the daughters of Walter le Fleming. The Hundred-Roll gives us the names then of two ascertained Coparceners (Philip de Huggeford and Hugh de Patinton) and also of two persons (William de Lechton and John de Esseford), who have not appeared before in this succession. How they acquired their shares I cannot certainly determine, but I think William de Leighton's was by purchase rather than by inheritance.

About Lady Day 1259, Alina, widow of William de Stanwardine (Stanwardine-in-the-Wood), had some such interest in Eyton (a member of Stanwardine in the Field) as enabled her to demise half a virgate and 12d. rent there, to the above Sir William de Leighton for a term of 9 years. Sir William de Leighton died in 1262, when only 3 years of his term had expired. John le Strange (probably in some right of Seigneury) entered upon the premises and reinvested Alina therewith, to the manifest injury of Richard, son and heir of Sir William. Richard however recovered the remainder of the term against Alina at the Assizes of 1272; but which, if any, Coparcener of Stanwardine was represented by Alina, I cannot say.


By a Fine of Feb. 3, 1268, Isolda de Stanworthin (who was undoubtedly a holder of some one of the original shares of this Fief) "surrenders, as by gift, to Robert de Wynesbury, as Attorney of Sibil de Stanworthin, 6 virgates in Stanworthin, Aston, Stanlowe, and Wynnesbury. In return, Sibil concedes the premises to Isolda for life, to hold by a penny rent; with reversion to Sibil and her heirs,- to hold of the superior Lords of the Fee". Possibly Isolda was Sibil's mother. Perhaps also she was a daughter of Cecilia le Fleming (deceased before 1248) and widow of John de Esseford (living in 1267). Sibil, it is nearly certain, was hereditarily a Coheiress of Stanwardine, and afterwards became the wife of Walter, son of Henry de Wotherton.

At the Assizes of 1272 Richard de Leighton not only recovered the remainder of his term of a lease at Eyton, as above stated, but recovered against Robert de Wynesbury the fee-simple of a quarter-virgate in Stanwardine Alchamp, of which he proved his father William to have died seized.

The Inquest taken in 1273 on the death of George de Cantilupe seems to have recognized his Seigneury (as Lord of Montgomery) over Stanwardine. [1]

We next have a recurrent mention of one of the Coparceners of 1249. Under Felton Butler I have shown that on Jan. 20, 1278, Hamo de Botyler settled certain lands at Felton and Ness on his younger son, William. On the same day he settled on another younger son, John, one messuage, 2 virgates, and 20 acres in Stanewordyn-o'-the-Field, Aston-juxta-Twyford, and Wynesbury. John restored the premises to his Father, to hold for life at a rose-rent. On his death the premises were to revert to John and his heirs,- to hold of the heirs of Hamo, at a rose-rent, and by performing capital services. [2]

On July 1, 1283, Hamo le Botyler settled on his son, William, premises as great or greater than those settled by the two previous Fines on his sons, William and John, and situated in Felton Butler, Stanwordyn-of-te-Feld, Aston-juxta-Twyford, and Wynesbury. Here William was to have immediate seizin of all, and pay his Father a life-annuity of 40s., but only a rose-rent to his Father's heirs. I have given the Fine at length under Felton Butler. [3] It was levied,

[1] Calend. Inquis. Vol. I. p. 49.
[2] Pedes Finium, Edw. I., Salop, No. 27. The Master of the Templars apposed his claim in this Fine, as well as in that of Felton Butler. The interference was, if actual, quite mistaken. These Lords of Holgate had no Seigneury in the premises now settled, though they had in Felton Butler.
[3] Supra, page 204.



[For table, see pdf.]


I conceive, because Hamo le Botyler's eldest son was now deceased without issue, and because John, being the eldest surviving son, no longer needed a younger brother's portion. Certainly (as we shall see) John le Botyler was living in 1292, and then represented his Grandmother, one of the daughters of Walter le Fleming, and one of the original Coparceners in Stanwardine. The Pimhill Tenure-Roll of 1279 has the following entry.- "Stanwardyne-super-Campum tenentur cum membris de Willielmo de la Suche per servicium unius militis per 15 dies ad Montemgomere tempore guerrae". The mention of William la Zouch at this period is very singular. He was son and heir of his Father, Eudo la Zouche, who was only recently deceased; he was also heir-apparent of his Mother, Milicent de Cantilupe, elder sister and coheir of George de Cantilupe, and now a widow for a second time. Her first husband, John de Montalt, was deceased without issue before 1274; her second husband, Eudo la Zouche, was living in 1277, but was now deceased. Her son, William la Zouche, was probably an infant in 1279.

When, in 1280-4, Milisent de Montalt (as she chose most often to be styled) was suing several Tenants of the Honour of Montgomery for the services due to herself as Suzerain, it is evident that she sued some at least of the Tenants of Stanwardyne. The entries on the Plea-Rolls are very confused; but the names of Hugh de Patinton and Roger de Stanwarthyn are perhaps appropriately used in connection with the subject. [1] Roger de Stanwardine was son and heir of William and Alina de Stanwardine, already mentioned.

At the Assizes of 1292 the Pimhill Jurors presented that the Lords of Stanewrthin-in-campo had been wont to do monthly suits to the County, and suit every three weeks to the Hundred, till 40 years since. The present Tenants were John le Botyller, Richard de Leyghton, Walter, son of Hugh de Wodreton, Walter, son of Henry de Woderton, William, son of John de Carricova, Richard Porcel, Eva, relict of Walter de Drayton, and Hugh de Patyton. These all appeared, and stated that they did suit to the Hundred, but allowed that the suit to the County had been withdrawn the alleged period, viz. from the time of Walter le Flemyng, who held Stanewardyne-in-campo wholly. This would have been more probably for 70 rather than 40 years: and the Lords of Stanwardyne seem to have complacently compounded for their arrears by a Fine of 5 merks.

Again, the Jurors presented how William de Stanwardine-in-bosco

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 122. William de Stanwardyne's name is probably introduced, in the entry of Easter Term, 1280, by mistake for Roger.


had 30 years back (he had been dead at least 33 years) withdrawn from the Hundred a suit due every three weeks for 3 nokes which he held in Eyton. The King recovered 12s. arrears on this account from William le Chapman, the existing tenant.

A cause, which was tried at the same Assizes of 1292, distinguishes those persons who had interests in Stanwardine, as heirs of Walter le Fleming, from those who had obtained ingress by other means. The latter were Richard, son of William de Leighton, and Robert fitz Henry. They each held a messuage and a noke in Stanwardin in la Feld, and were impleaded by the Coparceners, or alleged Coparceners, in a body. The Plaintiffs said that the Defendants only obtained possession by the acts of William de Leighton and Henry de Stanworthyng, who had further obtained such ingress by a disseizin of five daughters of Walter le Fleming, of which five daughters the Plaintiffs were Grandchildren and heirs. The five daughters named, are Cecilia, Hillaria, Amicia, a second Hillaria, and Isolda. Their Grandchildren, the present Plaintiffs, are named, I think, in an irrespective order. They were John, son of Hamo le Botyller; Sibil, wife of Walter, son of Henry de Wodewarton; Walter fitz Hugh; Richard, son of Richard Purcel; and William de Carrecova.-

The Defendants got judgment on the ground that all the Coparceners were not joining in the prosecution. The specific allegation was that Cecilia, one of Walter le Fleming's daughters, was not entirely represented by that Grandchild (whichever it was) who was one of the Plaintiffs; for that the said Cecilia had left three daughters, Juliana, Sibil, and Matilda;- that the said Juliana had a son John, who had a son Hugh, who had a son Hugh;- that the said Sibil had a daughter Sibil, who had a daughter Amicia, who had a daughter Evota;- that the said Matilda had a son, Hugh, who had a son Hugh;- lastly, that Hugh, Evota, and Hugh, the representatives of these branches, were all now living, but were not named in the Plaintiffs' Writ. [1]

In constructing the above Genealogical Table of the descendants of Walter le Fleming, I have been careful to insert, on my own judgment, nothing which is contradictory to the many Records which have been, or will be cited on the subject. The only exercise of ingenuity has been in making a Pedigree which will tally with all and each of the said Records. To the bare details of those Records, which treat purely of this Coheirship, I have further added what I know independently of the families of Butler, Wotherton, Purcel, and Patinton, making it however subsidiary to the genealogical scheme asserted at the Trial of 1292. I need hardly add that, in one or two particulars, the evidenoes being insufficient or fallacious, the result may be so also.

[1] Assizes, 20 Edw. I., m. 8.


In the Nomina Villarum of 1316 the Seigneural Lord of Stanworthin-y'-the-feld is given, and not the occupants. This was "William de la Souche", already mentioned.

Eyton, near Baschurch.

THIS was another of Robert Pincerna's Manors.- It is thus noticed in Domesday.- Isdem Robertus tenet Hetone et alter Robertus de eo. Leuui tenuit. Ibi I hida. Ibi unus Villanus et III Bordarii cum I carruca et dimidia. Wasta fuit. Modo valet V solidos. [1]

There is an Heraldic tradition which derives the family of Leighton from the Saxon Leuui. This tradition certainly acquires unusual weight when we find that Leuui was Saxon owner both of Leighton and Eyton, and that in those distant Manors the Leightons were subsequently interested. The Leightons, however, possessed the whole of Leighton and only a part of Eyton. Moreover, Robert, the Domesday Tenant of Eyton, was not Domesday Tenant of Leighton. However, if this Robert were a Saxon, and son of Leuui, he may have recovered Leighton after Domesday, and he may have been a second ancestor of the Leightons.

After Domesday, Eyton has seldom any notice as a distinct Manor, but is usually treated as a member of the "Fee of Stanwardine". Under that Manor several allusions have already been made to Eyton. A few local and personal particulars have now to be added.-

In 1221 a dispute about the tithes of Eton juxta Bascherch was settled in favour of Shrewsbury Abbey. "Philip de Novo Burgo, Dean" (Rural-Dean, I presume) announces the said settlement as having been made "in full Chapter in the Church of St. Chad". [2] In 1233 we have mention of a John de Eyton as the only one of

[1] Domesday, fo. 256, a, 2.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 354. The original Ruri-Decanal Chapter was a judicial assembly, empowered to settle such questions. In the Deanery of Salop the Chapter usually, and, as far as I know, always, assembled in St. Chad's Church, Shrewsbury.


twelve Recognizors who appeared at Westminster in the matter noticed under Hordley. [1] About 1220-1230, "William, son of Radulph de Eyton, gives to Shrewsbury Abbey half a virgate in the vill of Baschurch, which Radulf his father held. Witnesses,- Ranulf, Parson of Stotesdon, Master Stephen de Franketon, Hugh de Haucheston, Walter de Coleham, etc. [2]

We next hear of the Stanwardines (of Stanwardine in bosco) having an interest in Eyton, and of Alina, widow of William de Stanwardine, granting a lease there, in 1259, to Sir William de Leighton. [3] It was perhaps on behalf of John fitz Alan, Sir William's Suzerain elsewhere, that John le Strange seized this leasehold property, together with Sir William's freehold in the Fee of Stanwardine, at Sir William's death in 1262. [4] We have seen that Richard de Leighton recovered both leasehold and freehold in 1272.

In 1274 we have Richard le Champyun of Eyton on a local Jury. In March 1276, one Roger de Eyton (perhaps of some other place) sat on the Inquest-post-mortem of John le Strange (IV).

In 1292 we have had mention of William le Chapman as Tenant of a part of Eyton, and as responsible for its suit to Pimhill Hundred. [5] He was probably a Sub-tenant of the Stanwardines or the Leightons. About 1323-5 he attests a Deed (already quoted) as William Chapman of Eyton. [6]

Meantime, that is about Michaelmas 1298, we have a Deed, whereby Richard de Leighton, Knight, grants to Sir Richard, Perpetual Vicar of Baschurch, a twelve-years' lease of 2 messuages and one virgate in Eyton juxta Baschurch, also of the Lessor's share in the Weir of Wallebroke, and liberty for the Vicar and his heirs to fish in the Mere of Fennimare during the said term. A rent of 13s. annually, and a heriot of 6s. 8d. at the Vicar's death, are reserved to the Lessor. Witnesses,- William de Onderslowe, Roger Manwarin, etc. [7]

[1] Supra, page 123.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 17.
[3] Supra, page 300.
[4] Again, John le Strange was Lord Paramount over George de Cantilupe (now in minority) in respect of Weston Lullingfield (supra, p. 288). It is true that Eyton was not held, like Weston Lullingfield, under Le Strange, but we have had proof elsewhere that, during George de Cantilupe's infancy, Le Strange had interfered with his tenants at Petton, where again Le Strange had no seigneury.
[5] [6] Supra, pp. 305, 78.
[7] Transcript, communicated by Mr. Joseph Morris of Shrewsbury.



THIS Manor follows Hetone (i.e. Eyton) on the Domesday list of Robert Pincerna's Manors, and as if in Bascherch Hundred. The Record describes it as follows.- Isdem Robertus tenet Crugetone. Eduinus Comes tenuit. Ibi hida et dimidia. In dominio est una carruca; et II Servi et una ancilla, et IX Villani, et II Bordarii et unus liber homo cum III carrucis. Ibi IIII Piscariae de XIII solidis et IIII denariis. T.R.E. reddebat de firma LXXIII solidos et IIII denarios. Modo (reddit) IIII libras et mille anguillarum. [1]

In name, this Manor is lost. Its Fisheries, probably in the River Perry, may give a hint as to its situation. Its great position in Saxon times, as a Manor of the Earls of Mercia, and its extraordinary value, do but perplex us as to its suppression. Here I must make a larger conjecture than I am at any time willing to offer; but confessed doubt is perhaps better than utter silence. My idea is that the 1 hides of Crugetone contributed half a hide towards those 5 hides which in 1255 formed the Fee of Stanwardine-in-campo; which Fee was just half a hide in excess of what we should expect from a comparison of Domesday and the Hundred-Rolls. The remaining hide of Crugeton I take to have been suppressed in calculations later than Domesday. In other words, the Domesday estimate of Walford (2 hides), Stanwardine (2 hides), Hetone (1 hide), and Crugetone (1 hides), is more than the estimate of 1255, viz. Stanwardine (5 hides), by one hide. Possibly then, while speaking of Stanwardine-in-the-field and Eyton, we have been speaking substantively of the absorbed Manor of Crugetone.


THIS Manor of Robert Pincerna is described in Domesday as follows.- Isdem Robertus tenet Pectone et Radulfus de eo. Leuenot tenuit. Ibi I hida et dimidia. In dominio est una carruca, et II

[1] Domesday, fo. 256, a, 2.


Villani et II Bordarii cum I carruca. Valuit V solidos. Modo (valet) X solidos. [1]

Under Oldbury and Eaton Constantine, I have stated the probabilities that Radulf, Domesday Lord of Petton and Oldbury, was ancestor of the Constantines; and I have shown how, in the generation after Domesday, Hugh de Constantine (probably Radulf's son) gave half a hide in Petton to Shrewsbury Abbey. [2] Thenceforth the mesne tenure of the Constantines vanishes from Petton, and the Manor is held under the Lords of Montgomery by persons (perhaps Cadets of the Constantines) who adopted a name from the place.

When, in the following remarks, Petton is included in the Fee of Stanwardine, or otherwise confused with Stanwardine, nothing more is meant than that both Manors were held under the Lords of Montgomery.

King Henry II.'s Confirmation of 1155 speaks of a virgate in Stoch having been given by Richard de Pecton to Shrewsbury Abbey. I have yet to learn where Stoch was, but, in Richard de Pecton we have, I doubt not, the ancestor of the Pettons. Passing over nearly a century we find one whom I will call-

RICHARD DE PECTON (II) attesting a grant which related to Stockett near Ellesmere. [3] The following perhaps relates to Peaton, near Corfham.- On May 3, 1237, Alexander de Cheney, Tenant of half a virgate in Pecton, surrenders the same to Richard de Pecton and his wife Isolda, as the right of Isolda, who had daimed it under Writ of mod d'ancestre. For this quitclaim Richard and Isolda gave 2 merks.

In 1248 and 1253 Richard de Pecton occurs on a Withyford and on a Haughmond Jury, and from thence till 1255 is a frequent witness of local Deeds.

At the Eyre of Roger de Turkilby (November 1248), 6s. 8d. was charged against Thomas le Cresp and Robert de Pecton, pro plevina. The debt was still partly in arrear in 1252, when also Alexander de Chaeney owes 20s. for being let out of prison on bail (ut tradatur per ballivum). These persons, if connected with Petton, were only Undertenants.

At the Inquest of 1255 Richard de Petton is named third of the Pimhill Jurors. "He held 1 hides in Petton, which was of the Fee of Stanwardine". "His service was to attend the Lord of Stanwardine (meaning George de Cantilupe, an Infant) in wartime,

[1] Domesday, fo. 256, a, 2.
[2] Supra, Vol. I. p. 133; Vol. VIII. p. 1.
[3] Supra, p. 250.


with a bow and two unfeathered arrows for 15 days, at the cost of the said Lord. He held half a hide also in Petton of the fee of the Abbot of Salop, at a rent of 2s. yearly. Petton did suit, in common with the Manor of Stanwardine, to County and Hundred. It also paid 8d. for motfee and stretward". [1] Here we see that the Abbot of Shrewsbury had given the later Lords of Petton a re-feoffment of what Hugh de Constantine had bestowed on the Abbey. It is not clear whether the Record intends this half-hide to be included in the 1 hides of Petton, or not. Domesday would suggest the former. So also the payment for stretward, being proportionate to one hide, would indicate that only one hide in the Manor was a lay fee.

It is probable that, soon after this, Richard de Petton (II) died; for I take it to have been-

RICHARD DE PETTON (III) who, in January 1256, recovered 2 acres in Pecton (from Henry fitz John), proving himself to be son and heir of Richard de Pecton, who had died seized thereof. Later in the same year we have seen Richard or Roger de Petton, or both, at issue with Sir John le Strange, [2] who was probably taking great liberties with Cantilupe's Fee during the infancy of the heir. There was a Roger de Petton living at this time; and, though he was first Juror for Pimhill Hundred at the Assizes of 1256, I suspect that he was only an Undertenant of Richard's. His father's name will appear to have been John. He left an only daughter and heir, Sibil, an infant at his death.

After the Assizes of 1256, and previous to those of 1272, Richard de Petton acted as one of the Coroners of Shropshire. His death, while in office, is recorded on the Roll of 1272. On the latter Roll is also notice of a suit of dower which Matilda, widow of Reginald de Fraunceys, had, in the first instance, arraigned against Richard de Petton, Richard fitz Chapelen and Margery his wife, and Griffin Seule and Agnes his wife, but had since withdrawn. It was her late husband's tenement at "Petton", in which she had sought dower.

Richard de Petton (III) was living in April 1263, but had been succeeded before the end of the same year by his son or brother, viz.-

PETER DE PETTON. In Trinity Term 1263, and in Michaelmas Term 1266, we have notices of an order which had been made on the Sheriff to distrain on the lands of Peter de Petton for a sum of 40s., which was to be forwarded to Westminster, and handed over to Thomas Corbet (of Caus) in satisfaction of a trespass committed

[1] Rot. Hundred. II. 75.
[2] Supra, p. 288.


by the said Peter. In the first instance, the Sheriff declared that Peter had no lands in his Bailiwick, but the Justiciars bad been informed of lands and chattels which he had at Pecton. So (though a civil war had been waged and concluded in the interval) the Justices renewed their order in 1266. Again, in Michaelmas Term 1266, and Hilary Term 1267, we have Peter, son of Richard de Petton, suing Roger de Stanwardine for a messuage and two virgates in Stanwardine which Peter claimed as his right. The issue of this suit has appeared under Stanwardine-in-the-Wood. [1] The Pipe-Roll of 1267 informs us of a composition of half a merk negotiated by Peter de Pecton for himself and his Sureties, he having withdrawn from some Lawsuit.

At the Assizes of 1272 Peter de Petton appears as a Juror in the famous suit related under Albright-lee. He himself failed to prosecute his suit against Geoffrey de Ford, viz. "requiring the said Geoffrey to restore Sibil, daughter and heir of Roger, son of John de Petton, which Roger had held half a virgate by knight's-service under Peter, viz. by one-fortieth part of a knight's-fee".

Again, at these Assizes, Roger fitz Hugh and Alan de Hochton were found to have disseized Peter de Petton of half an acre in Petton.

Cecily, wife of Peter de Petton, seems to have brought him some property in Ness. On November 18, 1272, Peter and Cecilia allow by Fine that they have granted a messuage and half-virgate in Nesse to John le Keu, who gives XI merks and is to hold the premises by a glove-rent or 1d., under the Grantors and the heirs of Cecilia, and to perform all capital services.

On the Hundred Inquest of 1274, and on other Inquests of 1274 and 1276, Peter de Petton occurs as a Juror.

The Tenure-Roll of 1279 has a very confused statement about this Manor. I copy it, adding some corrective remarks.-

"Stanwardyne (read Petton). Petrus de eadem (read de Petton) tenet unam hidam terra de Domino de Stanwardyne in capite, per servicium unius hominis cum uno arcu et duabus sagittis sine pennis, per XV dies apud Stanwardyne super Castrum (read apud Stanwardyne in campo). Et idem Petrus tenet dimidiam hidam de Deacre (read Abbate) de Salop in liberum socagium".

Peter de Petton occurs on a local Jury in 1296.

RICHARD DE PETTON (IV), probably son and heir of Peter, may be he who occurs on a Chirbury Jury in 1281, and so in his father's

[1] Supra, page 121.


lifetime. He was certainly Lord of Petton in 1301, when a messuage and 3 acres in Petton were held under him by Matilda, widow of Robert Corbet of Morton, who had obtained the same from Juliana, widow of Philip le Crump of Petton. [1]


This was an early Foundation, but from the first a Chapel of Baschurch, as the Chartulary of Shrewsbury Abbey (already quoted on the subject [2]) proves most clearly. The Lords of the Fee usually founded and endowed these Chapels; but when they were in the district of an impropriated Rectory, the Rectors, especially if they were Monks, watched their opportunity, and, when the revenues or patronage of a Chapel became worth seizing, greedily absorbed them.

Thus Petton Chapel was founded in or before the time of Bishop Durdent, who died in 1159;- was of the Advowson of the Lord of Petton in 1306, but in 1344 was in the patronage of the Monks of Shrewsbury.

It is remarkable that though the Taxation of 1291 says nothing about Petton Chapel, as distinct from Baschurch, yet that in 1341 the Commissioners assessed the Parish to the Ninth. Their assessment was only 10s., because there had been a general murrain of sheep, and because the Chapel of Pecton was chiefly supported by oblations, and because the hay-tithes and all such income went to form the reputed Taxation of the Chapel (but was no Index for the present assessment). [3]

The Valor of 1534-5 gives Robert * * * * as Rector of Petton, and his income as 3. 6s. 8d. per annum, less 11d. for Synodals and 1s. 8d. for Procuration. [4]


JOHN DE PECTON, Clerk, instituted Feb. 12, 1306, to the Chapel of Pecton. Patron,- Richard, Lord of Pecton. He died April 15, 1344, and on Sept. 15, 1344,-

NICHOLAS DE ACTON, Clerk, was admitted at presentation of the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury. He died Sept. 9, 1349 (probably of the pestilence).

WILLIAM DE WOLVERTON, Chaplain, was admitted January 29, 1350, at presentation of the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury.

[1] Inquis. 29 Edw. I., No. 45.
[2] Supra, page 70.
[3] Inquis. Nonarum, p. 192-b.
[4] Valor Reges. III. 183.


NICHOLAS, Rector of Petton, occurs in 1376.

JOHN AT SCHAWE was presented to this Free Chapel on April 9, 1394, by the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury.


Mersete Hundred.

IN forming the annexed Table of the Domesday Hundred of Mersete, only one emendation of the Record has been admitted. The Manor of Estone (being Astone, near Oswestry) has been assigned to Mersete rather than to Baschurch Hundred, though Domesday places it in the latter. [1]

It will be seen that, with two exceptions, every known Manor of Mersete Hundred is contained in the modern Hundred of Oswestry. The said exceptions are Chenlei and Derniou, two districts which had been conquered from, or surrendered by, the Welsh; and which the Domesday Scribe annexed to Mersete Hundred for mere convenience of classification. One of these districts was afterwards reputed to be in Montgomeryshire, the other in Merionethshire.

On the other hand, the present Hundred of Oswestry contains one Manor (Ruyton), which at the time of Domesday belonged to Bascherch, not to Mersete, Hundred. It is probable too that Oswestry Hundred is, in some other respects, more comprehensive than was the Hundred of Mersete. I mean that certain Welsh territory, as yet unconquered when Domesday was compiled, was afterwards appropriated by the Normans, and annexed to Oswestry Hundred.

Viewing the successive Hundreds of Mersete and Oswestry as one, in all the more essential particulars, the history of its jurisdiction is soon told. King Edward the Confessor was Lord of the Hundred in his day, and Maesbury was then its caput. Earl Roger de Montgomery gave both Maesbury Manor and Mersete Hundred to his Sheriff, Warin. Rainald, Warin's successor, held both at Domesday, but it was probably during his aera that Oswestry became the caput of the Hundred. A corresponding change in the

[1] Vide supra, page 41.


[For table, see Mersete]


name of the Hundred naturally followed, and that change holds good to this day.

Oswestry Hundred, as might be expected from such antecedents, was exempt from English Law. It sent no deputies to meet the King's judges at the County Assizes. Its frontier was a barrier to the King's Sheriff and his subordinates. The Chief, for the time being, of the House of Fitz Alan, was supreme in all local concerns. The King's Writ, except as addressed to him, was a dead letter. He rendered no acknowledgment, except homage and fealty, for the exercise of his jurisdiction. His responsibility, if such it can be called, to guard the Welsh Border, was limited to a due and efficient maintenance of Oswestry Castle.

Where such a jurisdiction existed, and where local Records are lost, the facts which are available for history are necessarily scanty. The Manors of Mersete Hundred will therefore occupy a space on our pages of far less compass than the extent and importance of the district would seem to deserve. One Borough, one great Church, a Preceptory of Hospitallers, and a number of Castles, will form the chief objects of topographical inquiry; and in proportion to such a division of subjects we shall have to speak rather of war and rapine, than of eleemosynary grants, to say more of treaties and diplomacy, than of the developement of municipal institutions or the workings of national law.

Maesbury and Oswestry.

THAT part of Mersete Hundred, of which I am first to treat, was a district on which the tide of ancient warfare seems to have ebbed and flowed with extraordinary vicissitude. Not less calculated are its monuments, its traditions, and its local names, to afford an ample field for modern speculation or controversy. The truth after which we have to grope is hidden, sometimes in Bardic verses of questionable genuineness and doubtful import, sometimes in the statements of rival Chroniclers, or in Legends, no two of which, bearing upon any particular point, are found to be consistent.

It is not my purpose to meddle largely with materials on which


I place such small reliance. The first part of my story must be told with a brevity proper to that very small amount of fact and probability which can be eliminated from a mass of conflicting and second-rate evidence.-

The Romans quitted England early in the fifth century. There is no proof that their arms ever gained any point nearer to the site of modern Oswestry than Llanymynech Hill, which is six miles to the South. During the Roman aera we conclude that the district about Oswestry was occupied by unconquered Cymry. If that people had any settlement or fortified station in the neighbourhood, it was doubtless at Hen Dinas, now called Old Oswestry. I learn from good authority that, in its main features of construction, this vast earthwork of Hen Dinas closely resembles other border fortresses which have been attributed to Caractacus. In one respect it differs, viz. that there is no appearance of the Romans having reduced it.

If the Cymry had a station at Hen Dinas, it may be still more plausibly asserted that they called the adjacent country the Maes or Maesbir, that is, the open field or champaign country. We shall see that such a word, afterwards combined with Saxon nouns, entered largely into the nomenclature of the adjacent district.

An earlier period than that of the Roman departure from Britain has been fixed upon as the aera of Cunedda Wledig, a King of the Stratclyde, or Cumbrian, Britains. He is said to have reigned from A.D. 328 to A.D. 389. How the district about Hen Dinas fell to this Chieftain's disposal we are not informed, but we are told that he gave it to one of his sons, Oswael, as a reward for expelling the Irish from Gwynedd, and that, thenceforth and therefore, the country was called Osweiling. This fable bears the stamp of a Cambro-British origin. It was invented to fortify, with the highest imaginable antiquity, a claim which the Welsh always asserted to the district in question. But of all falsehoods, that which is uttered with a circumstance, though it be the more plausible at first sight, is more open to after-detection. When we discover that the word Oswestry is founded on a much later etymology than that above assigned, we are tempted to doubt the whole story, if not the very existence of Oswael son of Cunedda.

It is probable that, before the aera of Penda, who, according to Bede, reigned over Mercia from 633 to 655, the Cymry had yielded Hen Dinas and its surrounding district to the advancing Saxons. Unless Penda, King of Mercia, were Master of the said district, it


is difficult to see why he undertook its defence against Oswald, King of the Northumbrians, or why Oswald directed his invasion against this quarter. It is true that Cadwalla, Prince of Gwynedd, had been Penda's ally and Oswald's foe; but Cadwalla had fallen at Hexham some years before Oswald undertook his Mercian campaign. The latter event is dated in 642. The rival armies met at "Maser", as the district now under notice was called, and the Christian King, Oswald, was defeated and slain. At this point the very names of places and things become a better guide to chronological truth than more expanded legends.- The Saxons called the battle in which Oswald fell the battle of Maserfeld, a name which consists of two words of identical meaning, the one British, the other Saxon. This was natural;- for the Saxon, not knowing what the British word Maes, or Maesdir, meant, could not feel the redundancy of his own etymology. [1]

Within twenty years after Oswald's death, Mercia may be said to have been converted to Christianity. The scene of his last campaign came to be respected as the field of a Martyrdom. While the events were yet fresh in men's minds, the neighbouring localities were marked with certain names which doubtless bore reference to some well-known circumstance in the late tragedy. For instance, the spot, where Oswald's mangled remains had been hung on wooden crosses, by command of his pagan foe, was known to the Saxons as Oswald's-treow (Oswald's tree), while the adjacent Britains called it Croes Oswalt, or Oswald's-cross. Saint Oswald's Well also, doubtless derived its name from some circumstance connected with the Martyr's last hours, though the Legend which specifies that circumstance is too absurd to be worth repeating. Again, the village of Woolston, though it stands four miles distant from the scene of Oswald's death, probably got its name from some connection with him or his line of march. It was originally called Oswald's-stane or Oswald's-tun, and it was still called Osulvestune in the eleventh century.

We may now pass to the reign of Offa (757-794), during which was constructed that remarkable earthwork known as Offa's Dyke, and which, seeing that it runs considerably to the west of Maserfield, shows that region to have been, at Offa's aera, an undoubted portion of the Mercian territory. I here use the word Maserfield advisedly; for to talk of Oswestry at this period might lead to the supposition that such a place existed as a town or settlement. My

[1] See the analogous ease of Ludford (Vol. V. p. 238).


distinct impression is, that Oswestry, as a town, owed a name indeed to the Saxon Legend which had consecrated its site, but owed its foundation to the Normans. The Saxon settlements in this district were numerous and important, though they did not include Oswestry. I mention two of them, which have distinct reference to the previous, or British, name of the province: they were Maesbury and Maesbrook. Of these Maesbury was the chief. It was, in short, a Manor of the Saxon Kings, and was Caput of the Hundred which Domesday registers as the Hundred of Mersete, but which a truer orthography would describe as Maesete.

In King Edward the Confessor's time, this important Manor was waste. That condition I imagine to have resulted from the alliance between Gryffyth ap Llewellyn, Prince of North Wales, and Algar, the rebel Earl of Mercia, whose frequent raids on the English Border were notorious, and, for a time, most successful. During this period, therefore, neither the Hundred of Mersete nor the Manor of Maesbury yielded any revenue to their Royal owner. It was consequent upon the forfeiture of Earls Morcar and Edwin (in 1071) that William the Conqueror conferred the Palatinate of Shropshire on Roger de Montgomery. Through the instrumentality of his Sheriff, Warin, Earl Roger gained a complete ascendency over all opponents, and particularly those of the Welsh Border. The words of Ordericus (already quoted [1]) are to that general effect; and they derive a remarkable and specific confirmation from many a line of the Domesday Record.- In the case now under notice, the Earl seems to have conferred, not only the Manor of Maesbury, but the Hundred of Mersete on this very Warin. The result was, that a Manor and Jurisdiction, which had been waste or profitless in the Confessor's reign, stand in Domesday as worth 40s. per annum to their Norman Lord, and as peaceably tenanted, in part at least, by Welshmen.

Meanwhile, that is, a year or two before Domesday was compiled, Warin, the Sheriff, died. One act of his, in connection with our present subject, should be recorded in the exact terms with which Earl Roger, after Warin's decease, spoke of and sanctioned it.- Guarinus vero Vicecomes dedit eis (scilicet Monachis Sancti Petri) ecclesiam Sancti Oswaldi cum decima eusdem villae. [2]-

Here then is the earliest hint or indication that we have of a town of Oswestry; and we see that it was founded by Normans. It began with a vill; and a Church was already added;- the vill

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 204.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 2.


and the Church being built upon that part of the old Manor of Maesbury which had previously been known as Oswalds-treou. If there had ever been a Church at Maesbury, it was now transferred to Oswestry, and Oswestry, as a town, became in course of a few years the Caput, not only of Maesbury Manor, but of Mersete Hundred. This transfer, began by Warin, had probably a strategical object, and was duly seconded by his successor, Rainald, who built Oswestry Castle in the year, or two years, which immediately preceded Domesday. That Record marks the transitional state of things in an indirect, but a very instructive, way. The Manor, which it calls Meresberie, must be taken to mean Maesbury and Oswestry combined, but the name, Oswestry, not being as yet in official vogue, and not having any Saxon antitype, is not mentioned. The Church and Castle are however alluded to as existent, but nothing is said of the transfer of the former to Shrewsbury Abbey, and the latter is described by a strange name, on which I shall presently have to offer some further remark. The exact words of the Record are as follows.-

Ipse Comes tenet Meresberie cum V Berewichis, et Rainaldus de eo. Rex Edwardus tenuit. Ibi VII hidae geldabiles; et ibi fecit Rainaldus castellum Luure. In dominio habet (Rainaldus) II carucas et X Walenses cum presbytero habentes VIII carrucas; et adhuc VI carrucae possent esse. Ibi aecclesia. Ibi IIII Bovarii. Ibi silva parva nil reddens. De ipsa terra tenet Robertus dimidiam hidam, et Hengebaldus duas hidas; et habent II carrucas. Huic Manerio pertinet Mersete Hundred'. Tempore Regis Edwardi erat wastum. Modo valet XL solidos. [1]

Which of the present townships of Oswestry constituted any of the five Domesday Berewicks of Maesbury must remain a question. Crickheath, Cyninion, Llanforda, Middleton, Pentre-gaer, Sweeney, Trefarclawdd, Treflach, and Trefonen (nine townships of Oswestry), have no other Domesday antecedent, than if we may suppose some five of them to have been the Berewicks. [2] Six other townships of modern Oswestry formed distinct Manors at the date of Domesday.

As to why the Norman Scribes should call the Castle which Rainald had built, by the name Luure, or Luvre, we must, I think, go to the language of the Founders for a solution of that question.

[1] Domesday, fo. 253, b, 1.
[2] St. Martin's, though an ancient member of Oswestry, was not perhaps as old as Domesday, and Ifton Rhyn (which included St. Martin's), was perhaps one of the Domesday Berewicks of Westone.


If the name had been written L'OEuvre, its meaning and its applicability to any great military work of the Normans will be at once apparent. [1]

After Domesday, the next ostensible mention of this Manor is in Earl Hugh's spurious Charter to Shrewsbury Abbey.
[2] The Earl is represented as giving decimam dominii de Oswaldestre, as if the said tithe was that of his own demesne. Earl Hugh's other Charters to Shrewsbury Abbey, as well as William II.'s Confirmation, are silent about Warin's grants at Oswestry. Henry I.'s Confirmation treats the Church of St. Oswald as given by Rainald, Warin's Successor, and by Hugh, Warin's son, with consent of Earl Hugh. [3] This is quite consistent with truth, for confirmatory grants are often thus spoken of as initiatory. Other Charters, relating to Oswestry Church, have been already quoted under Middle. [4] Though they establish no other chronological fact, they assure us that, in Henry I.'s time, Oswestry Church was accounted the Mother Church of a district.

Of Oswestry under Alan fitz Flaald (Rainald's successor), we know next to nothing; for I cannot treat an allusion in the Fitz Warin Chronicle as teaching anything more than how a tradition may be distorted. [5] We next learn, or rather hear, that Croes-Oswalt or Oswestry, was one of the three Cwmmwds which composed the Cantref of Trefred, and that this Cantref, with four others (forming the principality of Powis Vadog) was bestowed by Meredith ap Blethyn, Prince of all Powis, on his eldest son, Madoc.
[6] Oswestry would hereby be inferred to have been recovered by, or ceded to, the Welsh, in the reign of Henry I., for Meredith ap Blethyn died at least two years before that Monarch. From a cognate and quite consistent authority we gather that "at the close of the year 1148, Madoc, the son of Meredith ap Blethyn, did build the Castle of Oswestrie, and gave his nephewes, Owen and Meyric, the sonnes of Gruffyth ap Meredyth, his part of Cyvelioc". [7] On this passage I have little to remark, except to deprecate the loose language

[1] I am glad to have this idea indorsed by a great authority on such questions,- Thomas Wright, Esq. He says that "in the early Norman period, L'OEuvre (or some equivalent term) seems to have been commonly applied to Castles or great buildings". Mr. Wright instances "Southwark and Newark". I may add that in ancient Chartularies, and in the Pipe-Rolls of Henry II.'s time, the most common terms for buildings on any large scale, are opera and operaciones.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 5.
[3] Vide supra, Vol. VII. p. 208.
[4] Supra, pages 68-70.
[5] Vide supra, Vol. VII. pp. 212, 213.
[6] Pennant's Tour, Vol. I. pp. 214, 215.
[7] Powel (Ed. 1811), page 147.


which would suggest that Oswestry Castle was originally founded by a Prince of Powis Vadog. The English Chronicles lend an air of some probability to the above picture of Welsh successes. We know that previous to Henry I.'s death the Welsh had assumed a threatening aspect, nay, that that very event of his death prevented his invasion of Wales. [1] We know too that Stephen's accession was followed by downright hostilities, in which two English Chiefs, Richard fitz Gilbert and Pagan fitz John, were slain, and in which Caus Castle was taken. [2] It is more than probable that, during the remainder of Stephen's reign, and the exile of the first William fitz Alan, the Welsh obtained a further ascendency on the Border. They possibly destroyed Oswestry Castle, and rebuilt it as a garrison for themselves, but their sway over this district was at best ephemeral.

The third year of William fitz Alan's restoration had just set in, and the third year of Henry II.'s reign was yet current, when that Monarch invaded North Wales by way of Chester. Madoc ap Meredyth, Prince of Powis Vadog, acted in alliance with the King and received the King's pay. The general success of the campaign was unequivocal, though chequered by that singular reverse at Counsylth, which afterwards cost the Constable of England both his office and his inheritance.

Madoc ap Meredyth and William fitz Alan (I) died in the same year (1160). Which of them died Lord of Oswestry shall now be made apparent:- for the following Charter to Shrewsbury Abbey is by William fitz Alan (I), and passed between 1155 and 1160.-

Notum sit tam presentibus quam futuris quod ego Willielmus filius Alani dedi Abbati et Monachis Sancti Petri Salopesburia, quandam partem terrae meae in villa de Iselham [3] et extra. Recognovi etiam et quietam clamavi advocacionem, presentationem, et donacionem ecclesiarum subscriptarum, videlicet ecclesie de Opton [4] et (de) Trohford, [4] et ecclesiae Sancti Oswaldi cum capella de Martines-Cherch et aliis capellis et rebus omnibus ad dictas ecclesias speetantibus, etc. Testes, Wynebaldus Prior de Wenlok, Rogerius Archidiaconus de Salop', Herbertus de Castello, Johannes Extraneus, Ivo Pantulf, Willielmus Trussel, Willielmus filius Odonis.

It is in the very year of William fitz Alan's death that I first find

[1] Supra, Vol. II. note 25.
[2] Supra, Vol. V. p. 242; Vol VII. p. 10.
[3] Compare Vol. VII. p. 237, where a Deed is given, probably later than this but concerning land in Iselham.
[4] Upton Magna and Wimbolds Trafford (supra, Vol. VII. pp. 235-6).
[5] Salop Chartulary, No. 275.


Oswestry called Blancminster. The entry on the Pipe-Roll has been already set forth, and the origin of such a name assigned. [1] In 1161 we have seen Guy le Strange having custody of the three Castles of Clun, Blancminster, and Ruthin; and we have had good proof that considerable works were in progress at Blancminster. [2] In 1162, 1163, and 1164, the liveries of the garrison of Blancminster cost Guy le Strange 18. 5s. per annum, which he charged upon his general receipts as Custos of the estates of William fitz Alan (II). In 1165 a sum of 4. 15s. was similarly charged in respect of the waste of Blancminster, while 200 servientes, employed there, had cost no more than 5. 3s. 9d. Other charges on the Pipe-Roll of this year have no direct relation to Oswestry, but, whereas they indicate a state of Border warfare, I give them in a note. [3] It was in July of this very year that Henry encamped near Oswestry, prepared to encounter the Princes of North and South Wales, now allied with Owen Cyvelioc, Prince of Higher Powis. [4] The result was a check to the English arms on the River Ceireoc, and a boot-less encampment on the bleak heights of the Berwyn. The King, retiring at length to Chester, is said in his wrath to have put out the eyes of the Welsh hostages who had been in his custody since 1157.

Guy le Strange, accounting at Michaelmas 1167 for two years' ferm of Fitz Alan's estates, deducts 9. 10s. from his liabilities, because, in consequence of the late war, the revenues of Blancminster had been so much short of the average. [5] He similarly deducts 55s. in 1168, 1169, and 1170, 1. 15s. 8d. in 1171 and 1172, 1. 3s. 8d. in 1173, and 15s. in 1174. Meanwhile his custody of Blancminster Castle, from 1165 to 1175, cost at the rate of 18. 5s. per annum for the maintenance of one knight, two Porters, and two Watchmen,

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. page 238; Vol. X. page 14.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. page 238; Vol. I. page 224.
[3] Et in liberacione 25 obsidum de Brug 4. 1s. 3d. Et in liberacione CX servientium, 4. 11s. 8d. Et CCC servientibus, 62. 7s. 5d. Et Carpentariis, 6. 14s. 9d. Et Cementariis, 5. 4s. 5d. Et in liberacione XXV obsidum, 4. 12s. Et Jone de Powis, 20s. per breve Regis. Et Rogero de Powis, 13s. 4d. Et filiis Madoc, 40s. Et Morgan, 10s. Et item CCC servientibus, post pascham, 69. 18s. 7d. Et item in liberacione obsidum, 42s. Et item eisdem, 4. 4s. 10d. Et Cementariis, 9. 15s. Et Carpentariis, 4. 16s. Et Oeno de Porchinton, 5. 13s. 4d. Et in fero, 7s. 7d. Et fabro, 31s. Et Carbonariis, 12s. Et pro Picois portandis in Walliam, 15d.
[4] Powel adds, "the sonnes of Madoc ap Meredyth with the power of Powys" (meaning Lower Powys), to the Welsh confederation. The payment of 40s. to these very individuals (as certified in the last note) renders the statement suspicious.
[5] Rot. Pipe, 13 Hen. II.; Salop.


constantly resident. In 1166-7 the forty Servientes, who were also on permanent guard, cost 121. 6s. 8d., whilst 60 other Servientes who had been temporarily added to the garrison, by direction of Richard de Luci [1] and the Barons of the Exchequer, cost 39. 10s. In the same two years, a Well, sunk within the Castle, had cost 5. 8s.; the Castle palisades (palitium) had cost 40s.; and the war-stores (municio) 6. In 1168, 40 Servientes, for 29 weeks, and 20 Servientes, for 23 weeks, had cost (at 1d. each per day) 47. 5s.; and the Castle palisades 2. 6s. 8d. In 1169, 20 Servientes, throughout the year, cost (at the same rate) 30. 8s. 4d.; and a house had been built within the Castle-walls for 2. 13s. 4d. In 1170, 1171, 1172, 1173, and 1174, the charge of 30. 8s. 4d. for 20 Servientes is in each year repeated. At Midsummer 1175 the same 20 Servientes had cost 22. 16s. 3d., or three-quarters of a year's pay. Then Blancminster Castle was apparently handed over to young William fitz Alan. From these details we learn that one knight, two watchmen, two porters, and twenty men-at-arms, constituted the ordinary garrison of Oswestry Castle, and cost 48. 13s. 4d. per annum. I may remark that 2,000 of modern currency would be less than an equivalent for this outlay, and that it was more than double the expense which, 80 years later, was deemed sufficient to maintain the ordinary peace establishment of the Royal, but less exposed, Castle of Bridgnorth. [2] If the greatest of the Lord Marchers of Shropshire enjoyed unbounded privileges, his feudal obligations were also of the highest.

Of William fitz Alan (II) I have spoken at length in a former volume. The hospitality offered by him in 1188 to Archbishop Baldwin and Giraldus Cambrensis was rendered at Oswestry. [3] There is a curious Charter of this William fitz Alan, whereby it would seem that one class of his Burgesses of Oswestry had merited superior favour by coinciding with his local plans. I can but offer a mutilated edition of this Charter, which seems to have passed about 1190-1200.-

Sciant tam presentes quam futuri quod ego Willielmus filius Willielmi filii Alani recepi in manu et protectione mea Burgenses meos de Blancmoster, nominatim illos qui ballivo meo messuagia receperunt ad emendacionem merchati mei, et ego eos contra omnes

[1] In October 1166 (for that was the real date of the event), Richard de Luci and Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex (in the King's absence abroad) conducted an expedition against Wales. The Earl died at Chester during the march.
[2] Supra, Vol. I. p. 279.
[3] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 242.


manutenebo et quatenus de jure potero. Quare idem volo quatenus teneant messuagia sua in pace, etc., et concedo quod burgagia praedicta teneant de me secundum leges et consuetudines quas Burgenses Salopiae in burgo suo habent. Et ... sigilli mei apposicione et istorum testium testimonio confirmavi;- Johannis Extranei, Hamonis fratris sui, Helie de Fes (probably Sai), Philippi filii Willielmi, Reginaldi de Lie, Willielmi de Verdun, Reginaldi ...eli, Ormi de Nesse et multorum aliorum. [1]

The death of William fitz Alan (II), in 1210, placed Oswestry in the hands of King John, who in the following year made the place a rendezvous for his invasion of Wales. The particulars of the campaign have been already given. [2] It appears that the King left certain military stores (warnisturam) behind him at Oswestry, which were sold off by Reginald de Hesding, the Constable of Oswestry. A Writ-Close of May 25, 1212, orders the said Constable to give the money thus received to John le Strange, who was to convey it to Court. [3] Other Writs of July 6, 1212, are addressed to John le Strange himself, and to Thomas de Erdinton, who are ordered to sell no more corn, wine, or other stores of the King at Album Monasterium, but to replace whatever corn they had already disposed of, and further to provide 100 fat kine and 3,000 head of geese and poultry, ready for transmission whithersoever the King might order. They were to inform the King whether, and how far, he could depend upon the execution of his orders. [4] On or about August 3rd, 1212, Robert de Vipont undertook, in the presence of John Mareschall, Thomas de Erdinton, and other Commissioners of King John, the custody of the four Castles of Album Monasterium, Chirk, Carrechova, and Eggelawe. [5] A Writ of August 6, 1212, commands Robert de Vipont to give up 12 casks of wine, which were stowed in Blancminster Castle, to Thomas de Erdinton, who would dispose thereof in a way serviceable to the King. [6] At this period King John's movements and councils were so uncertain as to account for the above contradictory orders and changeful appointments. We have seen in a former Volume that it was on August 2nd, 1212,

[1] Harl. MS. 1981, fo. 24.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 246.
[3] Claus. Vol. I. p. 117b.- It appears that, under this or other Writs, John le Strange received 60 for the King's stores of Oswestry, viz. 32 for sales made by himself, and 28 from the Burgesses of Shrewsbury, who had been commissioned to dispose of part of the said stores. Le Strange paid the whole 60 in the King's Chamber at Kingshaugh (Nottinghamshire), on August 24, 1212. The receipt, then given by the King's Marshal, is alleged in acquittance of the debt on the Shropshire Pipe-Roll of 4 Henry III.
[4] [5] [6] Claus. I. 119b, 132, 121.


that he achieved all the honours of chivalry by a sudden and brilliant expedition across the Welsh border, but abandoned a great and general invasion of North Wales, which he had advertised, by way of Chester. [1] We have further seen that in June 1213, Robert de Vipont, the King's Castellan at Oswestry and Shrawardine, and Custos of Fitz Alan's estates, made way for John Mareschall. [2] On July 11, 1214, a Patent dated at Rochelle orders John Mareschall, on receiving further instructions from the Bishop of Winchester (then Viceroy of England), to surrender Oswestry Castle and the custody of Fitz Alan's estates to Thomas de Erdinton, [3] who, it will be remembered, had now purchased the wardship of William fitz Alan (III). That Baron died, young and childless, at his Castle of Clun, about Easter (April 19th) 1215. Soon afterwards, King John wrote to Thomas de Erdinton, as Sheriff of Salop and Staffordshire, to inquire what Knights of those Counties had acted against the Crown in the late disturbances. This Writ of King John, and Erdinton's reply thereto, have by some chance escaped enrolment. [4] The document says so much in relation to the state of Shropshire at a particular crisis, that I give it in extenso.- The King's Writ runs as follows.- Johannes Del gratia, etc., Vicecomiti Salop' et Stafford' salutem. Precipimus tibi quod in fide, etc., diligentem facias inquisicionem, qui et quot milites de balliva (supply tua) arma tulerunt contra nos in hac guerra, vel armatos miserunt inimicis nostris in dispendium nostrum; et eorum nomina nobis sub sigillo tuo cum festinacione scire facial. Teste ...

Erdinton's reply runs as follows.- Excellentissimo domino suo Johanni d. g. illustri Regi Angliae domino Hiberniae, etc., suus Vicecomes Salop' salutem et seipsum (read servicium). Mandatum vestrum, domine, in haec verba suscepi. (Then the above precept is recited.) Unde Celsitudini vestrae notum facio me secundum tenorem litterarum vestrarum inquisicionem fecisse, quod Johannes filius Alani et Falco filius Warini et Bartholomaeus Turet et Baldwinus de Hodenett et Vivianus de Roshale, et Thomas de Coston (read Constantine) et Radulfus de Sinfort (read Sanfort) sunt et fuerunt contra vos in hac guerra in Comitatu Salop', et omnes milites et alii de eodem Comitatu fuerunt per aliquod tempus contra vos in hac guerra sed ad pacem vestram et servicium venerunt per

[1] [2] Supra, Vol. I. pp. 269, 270; Vol. VII. p. 247.
[3] Rot. Patent. p. 118, b.
[4] From Vincent's collections, Vol. III. p. 98. I have alluded to this document before (Vol. VII. p. 249), and have since, by permission of the Herald's College, transcribed it.


dominos R. Comitem Cestriae et W. Marescallum, quando venerunt apud villam Salop', exceptis Hugone de Mortuomari, Waltero de Lacy, Waltero de Clifford et Johanne Extraneo qui vobiscum sunt et fuerunt in guerra ista. In comitatu vero Stafford' non fuerunt contra vos aliqui nisi Robertus Marmiun qui adhuc contra vos est, apud London' ut dicitur, et Herveus Bagot qui fecit se Vicecomitem Stafford' per Barones: sed ipse venit ad pacem vestram per Comitem Cestriae quando venit in partibus illis; et duo fratres predicti Hervei, scilicet Willielmus et Radulfus, qui adhuc contra vos sunt cum Fulcone filio Warini. Et sciat Excellentia vestra quod ad presens expressiorem inquisicionem facere non potui, quia treugae captae inter Anglos et Wallenses per Comitem Cestriae ad hoc instans Clausum Paschae dificientur (sic), unde tota patria effreata (sic) est. Ceterum sciatis, domine, quod Willielmus filius Alani viam universae carnis ingressus est, et obiit apud Clunam, ubi fuit cum Johanne fratre suo, ad hanc Pascham. Et ego habeo in manu vestra terras, quas idem Willielmus tenuit, quas ad presens habere possum sine majore auxilio; nam Johannes filius Alani posuit se in Castrum Albi Monasterii antequam aliquid scivi de morte prefati Willielmi filii Alani, quod habere non possum sine auxilio vestri. Et ideo necesse est quod super hiis, si placeat, curam capiatis. Valeat dominus meus et diu vivat.

Great national events occupied the year following this correspondence. The Barons' assemblage at Brackley on April 27, 1215 (at which John fitz Alan was present), was succeeded, in June, by the short-lived pacification of Runnymead, and in October and November, by the famous siege of Rochester. In January and February 1216, the King's savage successes in the North drove the Barons to the still greater infamy of an alliance with Prince Louis of France, who landed in England towards the end of May.

Meanwhile we have the very fewest particulars of events on the Welsh Borders. On May 6, 1215, King John, then at Reading, orders his Barons of the Exchequer to reimburse Thomas de Erdinton for all his expenses in respect of the Castles of Shrewsbury, Oswestry, Shrawardine, Morton, Clun, Montgomery, Moretoin. and other Castles, which were (or had been) in his custody. [1] In the end of July 1215, the King's short visit to Bridgnorth resulted in no apparent measures against the disaffected Knights of Shropshire. It was still a year later, and when Louis of France was in possession of London, when Alexander of Scotland had made a defiant, if not a

[1] Rot. Claus. Vol. I. p. 199.


triumphant, march through the very heart of England, when Windsor itself was beleaguered by the Barons, that John concentrated the storm of his fury on the western provinces. The details are peculiarly relevant to our present subject.- On July 21, 1216, the King was at Gloucester, on the 22nd and 23rd at Tewkesbury, on the 24th at Hereford. Quitting that City on the 27th, he appeared before Hay Castle, which he destroyed. On the 29th he returned to Hereford, and proceeded to Leominster on the 31st. On the 2nd of August Radnor Castle was destroyed, and John passed forward to Kingsmead. On the 3rd he left Kingsmead, and appeared before John fitz Alan's Castle of Clun. What happened there we are not told. On the 4th the King was at Shrewsbury, and from the 6th to the 10th at Oswestry. He reduced the town to ashes, but does not appear to have effected a capture of the Castle. On the 11th he was back again at Shrewsbury, and passing to Bridgnorth on the 14th, finally quitted Shropshire on the 16th.

We have seen that in August 1226 Oswestry was named by King Henry III. and Lewellyn as a place of conference between the latter Prince and certain Lords Marchers to whom he owed restitution. [1] John fitz Alan was one of the King's Commissioners on the occasion. Again, on December 26, 1226, the King commissions John fitz Alan, the Sheriff of Shropshire, John le Strange, Bartholomew Turet, and Robert de Girros, to meet at Album Monasterium, on Sunday, January 17th following, and there arrange certain differences between William Pantulf and Madoc ap Griffin. [2]

On September 22, 1228, King Henry, then at Montgomery, empowers John fitz Alan to hold a yearly Fair, of four days' duration, at Album Monasterium. [3] Though the rights of the Crown in respect of Fairs and Markets were jealously maintained in less privileged districts, I am surprised to see them in any way recognized in such a case as that of Oswestry. Probably the object of the Writ was rather to legalize the attendance of strangers at this Fair, than to authorize the Fair itself. Another Writ-Close of September 19, 1233, seems to favour this idea. It enjoins the Bailiffs of Shrewsbury to allow Merchants to carry their merchandise as far as Album Monasterium. [4]

I have alluded to some mistrust of John fitz Alan which would seem to have been entertained by the King at the close of the year 1233. [5] The consequence, as regarded Oswestry, was, that Hubert

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 20.
[2] Claus. Vol. II. p. 206.
[3] [4] Rot. Claus. 12, 17 Hen. III.
[5] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 252, 253-4.


Hose, with 9 other knights and three Horse-Balisters, were placed in garrison at Blancmunster for 20 days, viz. from Sept. 28 to Oct. 17 inclusive. The cost of this measure was 2s. per day for each knight, and 1s. per day for each Balistarius. It amounted to 23, and was defrayed by the Sheriff of Shropshire, who charged the same to the Crown in the Pipe-Roll of 1233. Though the hostages which had been taken as security from John fitz Alan appear to have been liberated in February and May 1234, a Patent of July 1 following, perhaps indicates some fresh cause of distrust. Custody of the Honour of Grosmunt, Skenefrid, and Album Monasterium, is committed to Walerand Teutonicus during the Royal pleasure. I am not quite sure that Oswestry is the place here alluded to.

We have seen that on the death of John fitz Alan (I) in 1240, custody of Oswestry Castle was for a time in the Crown by reason of the minority of his heir; and that on May 24, 1244, the said heir having attained his majority, was entitled to receive the same at the hands of John le Strange, the King's Custos. [1] A Patent of November 15, 1257, names Oswestry as the place where the Messengers of Lewellyn ap Griffith were to meet Peter de Montfort and John le Strange,- Commissioners of the King to negotiate a peace. Letters of safe-conduct, dated at Westminster, on December 15, 1257, seem to anticipate that Lewellyn and the King would themselves meet at Oswestry.

A Patent of December 1257 empowers John fitz Alan to levy customs for a period of 5 years, with the object of walling his vill of Album Monasterium. In April 1258, we have seen that Sir William de Leighton was in office as Constable of Oswestry, [2] while his Suzerain, John fitz Alan, was in high command as the King's General in the Marches. [3] On the death of this Baron, in October 1267, a general valuation was made of his Shropshire estates. Of the total income of 141. 5s. 11d., Oswestry contributed 44. 12s. 5d. His demesnes there, consisted of 4 carucates of arable land, of 8 solidates of meadow land, and of 4 Mills. Annual rents (4), Pleas and perquisites of the local Court (2), Market-tolls (9. 6s. 8d.), went to make up the valuation; and the Walcheria of Oswestry was computed to yield 18. 3s. 3d. thereof.

Of John fitz Alan (III), and his presumptuous estimate of the feudal immunities which attached to his Lordship in the Marches, I have said enough elsewhere. [4] He died on March 18, 1272; and on June 25 following, another Extent of Oswaldestre was made by

[1] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 252, 253-4.
[2] [3] [4] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 331, 254, 257.


the King's Commissioners. This document is very copious in its details, but is unfortunately so defaced as to yield little or nothing to its Examinants. [1] It was, with other Valuations, returned into the King's Court at Westminster on July 30, 1272, and forthwith a Writ-Close issued, assigning two-thirds of the deceased Baron's revenues to the Crown (as having custody of his infant heir), and one-third to Isabel de Mortimer, his Widow. This Document supplies the deficiency caused by any effacement of the preceding Inquest. The net revenue from Arundel, Clun, Shrawardine, Blancminster, and the Walcheria of Blancminster, was 506. 8s. 1d. (equal perhaps to 25,000 per annum of modern currency). Of this revenue 337. 12s. 1d. was allotted to the Crown, and 168. 16s. to the dower of Isabel de Mortimer. There was a separate valuation and division of the eleven Advowsons which had belonged to the deceased; so also was there a distinct enumeration and partition of the feudal services due from the various tenants of his different Baronies.
[2] Of the above total of 506. 8s. 1d., Oswestry itself (that is, its demesnes, its Manor-Court, its Mills, its tolls, its rents of burgages and other tenements) yielded 88. 17s. 3d.; while the Tenants of the Walcheria of Oswestry paid further rents or services amounting to 42. 2s. 9d. The Burgages within and without the Bailey of the Castle are distinguished. The former were held by William, Clerk of Oswaldestre, by Agnes Roger, John le Salter, Mable Lumbard, and Alan Lumbard;- the latter by Richard le Saltar and others. The various Manors which composed the Walcheria of Oswestry were as follows, viz. Weston (Weston, near Oswestry), Coton (now Weston Cotton), Mesbir' (now Maesbury), Treveleth (Treflach), and Middleton; the Vills which were accounted to belong to the same district were Tibeton (now lost), Treveltholnel (now Treprenal), Blodowanhan (perhaps Blodwel), Clanordaffe (perhaps Glan-y-rafon), Cruchet (Crickheath), Bren (now Bryn), Blodnorvaur (perhaps Cefn-Blodwel), Swine (Sweeney), Kahercohou (Carrechova), Suston (?), Radioners (Rhandir), Weston (Weston Rhyn), Yston (Ifton Rhyn), Trevenen (Trefonen), Fenches (?), Dudeleston (Dudleston), Wigeton (Wigginton), Brongarth (Bronygarth), and Travercleuche (Trefar-clawdd).

Besides their regular rents (included in the above estimate), the Tenants of the Walcheria of Oswestry were jointly subject to an assessment equivalent to 40 merks per annum. Its object was to supply the drink (poturam) of certain Serjeants of the Peace (Servientium

[1] Inquis. 56 Hen. III., No. 36.
[2] Rot. Claus. 56 Hen. III., m. 4.


custodientium pacem), who were appointed for the district. Another obligation of certain Tenants or vills related to the keep and conveyance of the Lord of Oswestry's hounds; but it is implied by so obscure a sentence that I will not attempt to explain it further than to say that it was deemed equivalent to 13s. 4d. annual rent. [1]

These various rents and revenues were divided in the proportions above indicated. The King having (inter alia) two-thirds of Oswestry Mills, gave the same (realizing an income of 11. 2s. 9d.) to Roger de Mortimer.

As to the Advowsons of this district, that of the Chapel of Album Monasterium (by which I understand the Chapel of the Castle) was worth 10 merks, the Church of Blodwell was worth 10 merks, and the Church of Lanmenagh (Llanymynech) was worth 10 merks. All three were in the Diocese of St. Asaph. The King took the two former, and Isabel de Mortimer the last.

Bogo de Knovill's accounts, as Costos of Oswestry on the part of the King, are preserved. I extract the principal items of receipt for the year ending on St. Andrew's day (Nov. 30), 1276.- {. s. d.}

The rent called Kylek, [2] assized in the Manor, yielded: 15 5 6
The assized rents of the hamlet of Sheldesmere: 1 6 0
The Borough-rents at Michaelmas: 3 19 0
Rents of Welshmen: 4 19 6
Tolls (Tolnetum) of the Borough: 27 11 11
Proceeds of St. Oswald's Fair (excluding St. Andrew's Fair, which had not been held because of the war between the King and Lewellyn): 4 6 2
Proceeds of the custom called Umbarge [3]: 2 0 0
Ferm of four Mills: 24 0 0
Prizes (seizures) of beer: 3 9 8
Pasturage (of demesnes) sold: 0 10 0
A certain custom called Mut, paid by the men of Soutover in time of war, for keeping their cattle at Oswestry in peace: 0 2 0
Advowry-fees (advocaria): 0 6 3
Sale of the produce of the garden (attached to the Castle): 0 2 6
Compositions in lieu of manual labour (pro operibus relaxatis): 0 6 8
Profits of the Borough-gaol (proficuum prisonae): 0 9 4
Oat crop, sold in gross, off the demesnes: 3 6 8
Hay crop, sold: 3 6 8
A Heriot, sold: 1 5 0
Pleas and perquisites (of the local Court): 5 1 6

The Accountant makes the total of these items to be 101. 16s. 3d, to which he adds 29. 13s. for similar receipts accruing between Nov. 30, 1276, and July 17, 1277, when he had, by the King's order, resigned his trust to Roger le Strange. During the

[1] Praeterea, villa de Travenen et Lectus, scilicet Stirps, Wyn. Du. in villa de Fenclu debent custodire et mittere catulos domini, ad voluntatem domini, quod extenditur ad unam marcam.
[2] Elsewhere called Kilh, or Treth-Canidion (vide infra, p. 334).
[3] Elsewhere called Trethmorcu.


whole period, the expenses charged by Bogo de Knovill are only 9. 9s. 9d., viz. 2. 1s. 6d. for mowing and carrying hay, and harvesting corn: and 7. 8s. 3d. for the salaries of a watch, a mower, and a forester, each receiving 1d. per day. [1]

Another of Bogo de Knovill's accounts is worth cursory mention. It is of 32s., realized from the land of Mecheyn (which the King had conquered from Lewellyn "his Rebel"), between July 2 and July 20, 1277, when that custody also had been transferred to Roger 1e Strange. [2]

Some particulars of the history of Oswestry during the minority of Richard fitz Alan have been given in a former Volume. [3] It was during this period, viz. on Dec. 6, 1283, that King Edward, being at Acton Burnell, expedited a Patent permitting the Bailiffs and Burgesses of Oswaldestre to levy customs for 20 years, from and after the ensuing feast of St. Thomas (Dec. 21), viz. to take 1d. for every measure of corn exposed for sale, and to levy other like duties in aid of the completion and repair of the town-walls. [4] Another Patent, dated at Shrewsbury on December 17, 1283, deals diffusely with the same subject. [5] On January 16, 1284, we find the King himself at St. Oswald, as Oswestry is in this instance called.

Soon after he came of age, Richard fitz Alan, styling himself "Earl of Arundell and Lord of Album Monasterium", inspected, recited, and confirmed the Charter whereby his Ancestor William fitz Alan (I), "of good memory", had recognized the title of the Monks of Shrewsbury to the Church of Album Monasterium, with its Chapels, and to the Advowsons of Opton subtus Hagemone and Trohford. The Earl further inspected and confirmed all other concessions and grants of his Ancestors to the said Monks. This Deed, or Inspeximus, is attested by Peter Corbet, Fulk fitz Warin, Bogo de Knogvill, Robert Corbet, Fulk Glas, and Peter de Eyton, Knights; also by John de Hesthope, Ivo de Sulton, Robert de Sulton, Robert de Say, and Robert de Bochenhall. [6] It is dated at Schyreveworthdin (Shrawardine), on Tuesday in the feast of the Annunciation, 21 Edw. I. (a date which probably indicates March 25, 1292, rather than March 25, 1293).

English Chronicles and Records supply the scantiest materials for ascertaining the true history of a Welsh outbreak, which took place in 1294-5, and which has usually been designated the "Insurrection of Madoc". It is clear however that the disturbance was of no ordinary character. It operated to prevent King Edward's

[1] The estimate will be found exact to a Penny.
[2] Rot. Pipe, 5 Edw. I.
[3] Supra, Vol. VII. p. 259.
[4] [5] Pat. 12 Edw. I., mm. 19, 18. The latter document may be seen at length in Mr. Cathrall's Hist. of Oswestry, pp. 28-30.
[6] Salop Chartulary, No. 275.


intended expedition to Guienne, and to cause his personal presence for more than half a year in Anglesey, North Wales, and the Marches. The destruction of the town and castle of Caernarvon, and the defeat of the Earl of Lincoln near Denbigh, are the best ascertained of the Welsh successes. A Welsh History, called Cambria triumphans, is replete with details which accord well with such a title. The reduction of Oswestry, the defeat of John le Strange at Knockyn, and an advance towards Shrewsbury are announced among the achievements of "Madoc, son of Llewellyn". It is certain that during this insurrection, viz. on June 24, 1295, King Edward was at Oswestry, and that, within the next two months Madoc was taken prisoner on Cefn Digolh (The Long Mountain near Caus) and carried to London. Holinshed gives St. Lawrence's day (August 10) 1295, as the day of Madoc's capture. At that date however the King had returned to Westminster and had held a Parliament there.

From this period, it is intimated by one of the Chroniclers, "the Welsh began to attend to the cultivation of the soil and the profits of commerce, so that at length the possession of property of their own made them less indifferent to its destruction".- It was well that the spirit of Welsh independence did thus give way to a spirit of self-improvement and self-reliance, though there is little poetry in the idea that a patriotism, once so vaunted, should become amenable to motives somewhat sordid. But the story contains a lesson for all times and all countries, exposing, as it does, the hollowness of high-sounding words and pretensions. Even in our day Liberty, Nationality, and Independence, are the specious words which aid and cover the designs of masked treachery or intended robbery. Even in our day the Prophets of peace and benevolence are onewhile convicted of insolent and malicious slander, and are usually found advocating that particular form of patriotism which seems best calculated to serve the material interests of the individual declaimant.

An Inquest taken at Oswestry, on May 18, 1302, after the death of Richard, Earl of Arundel, shows that half of the local Jurors were of Welsh extraction. The Panel consisted of Richard de Camera, William le Engleis, Roger fitz John, John Lombard, John le Roter, John fitz Hamund, Yarevord ap Eynon of Grenterou, Blethin Loyd of Lanvorda, Bledin ap Eynon, Griffin Seys, Howel Vachan, and Meyler ap Yevaf. These Jurors found that the deceased Earl had held Oswestry Castle, with the undermentioned


lands, in capite, by service of 2 knights'-fees. The Castle was of no net value, because of the great expenses (more than 10 per annum) attendant on its maintenance. In demesne were 140 acres of arable land and four water-mills, viz. the Barley Mill, Weston Mill, Cotton Mill, and Cadugan's-Mill. The Burgesses' rents amounted to 7. 5s. 11d. per annum. William le Engleis alone paid 1. 1s. 6d. for 16 burgages and other tenements. Other burgesses named were John Marescall, Alice fitz Reyner, the Prioress of Brewood, Juliana le Strange, William le Strange, John le Strange, and William de Chetewinde. There was a custom in the Manor called Treth Canidion. It was collected in alternate years on St. Andrew's day, and realized 18. 7s. 7d. biennially. Another custom called Trethmorcu realized 1. 17s. per annum. The following vills are enumerated as members of Oswestry, viz. Welli-Cadugan, Ryn, Morton, Weston Ryn (where Wely Moylgogh paid a rent of 2s. 8d.), Weston, Wigenton, Bronagard (now Bronnygarth), Brom * *, Meresbury, Lanhvaorda (Llanforda), Grekyn, Bron (Brynn), Swyney (Sweeney), Treferclau (Tefarclawdd), Trefonnen, Blodewelle Vaur, Blodewelle Vaghan, the two Lenhokes, Sutton, Randir-Kneyris, Trespronholl, Weston, Middleton (where were 15 bovates held by tenants-at-will), and Cotton. The average yearly income from the whole Manor of Oswestry, including half of the custom called Trethkanidion was 63. 6s. 7d.

The pacification of Wales and of the Border brought to Oswestry its share in the prosperity which it was the policy of Edward I. and some of his successors to secure for the Boroughs of the Kingdom. I should however mention that a Patent of the year 1304 is entitled De libertatibus pro hominibus de Oswaldestre; but that, on examination, this document, so far from conferring any new franchises, only shows how tenaciously the Burgesses were guarding their ancient customs. A Burgess of Oswestry, if he wounded or maimed his fellow-citizen, was, according to the local law, amenable to an extreme penalty of 5 shillings. At the present moment, Edmund fitz Alan, being an infant, the King had given custody of Oswestry to his own Cousin, Amadeus, Earl of Savoy; and Richard de Harley, the Earl's Seneschal, was in the habit of amercing quarrelsome Burgesses 5 or 10 for a single offence, without any formal trial. The said Richard further "imprisoned the Burgesses, and committed other enormities". They complained to the King, and he, wishing to make the speediest amends, appointed, by a Patent of Oct. 24, four Commissioners (viz. Roger de Mortimer, William


Trussell, William de Sutton, and Nicholas de Warwick) to inquire into the case. The Commissioners were to consult honest men, favourable to neither party, as to the customs of the district, viz. men of Salop, or of Fulk fitz Warirs's Liberty at Whittington, or of Peter Corbet's, or of Roger le Strange's Liberties, at Caus and Ellesmere. [1] The result of this inquiry has apparently been lost.


Of the foundation of Oswestry Church and its bestowal on Shrewsbury Abbey, I have necessarily said something, when treating of the foundation of the Town and Castle. The Church must be considered to have been transferred from Maesbury, and therefore, though itself a Norman foundation, it had all the characteristics of the older Saxon establishment. It was, in short, the reputed Mother Church of an extensive district, and it was collegiate.

The earlier Charters, Regal and Episcopal, which secured this Advowson to Shrewsbury Abbey, have been set forth under Middle Church. [2] I have nothing further to say of them, except to note that the Charters of Bishops Clinton and Durdent prove that, in the first half of the 12th century, Oswestry was accounted to be in the Diocese of Chester. At that period it is probable that the Diocese of St. Asaph was as uncertainly defined with respect to that of Chester, as we know it to have been with respect to that of Hereford. When or how Oswestry was annexed to St. Asaph, it is vain to conjecture, but I think that the transfer was recognized as early as the time of Henry II., and I believe that no later Bishop of Chester than Walter Durdent has set up any claim to the spiritual supremacy over this district.

The further history of Oswestry Church is embodied chiefly in Charters.- About the year 1190 "William, son of William fitz Alan, quitclaims to Shrewsbury Abbey the Advowson of the Church of St. Oswald of Album Monasterium, also two parts of the tithes of his demesnes in the said vill, which two parts appertained to the building-fund of the Church of St. Peter, also the third part of the same tithes, which third part appertained to the Church of St. Oswald (that is to the Incumbent thereof). Witnesses,- Reiner, Bishop St. Asaph, Hugh Pantulf, Robert Corbet, John le Strange, and Reyner de Ley". [3] This Charter shows not only the original

[1] Inquisitions, 30 Edw. I., No. 30.
[2] Supra, pages 68-70.
[3] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 301, 367, and 368-g, collated.


partition of tithes, made by Warin Vicecomes, but the partition usual to those grants of demesne-tithes which were given to Shrewsbury Abbey at the time of its foundation, or during its infancy. The Normans, in short, took a power to alienate their demesne-tithes, or parts thereof, and so far to deprive the Parochial establishment. The Charter further indicates that St. Oswald was originally the Patron Saint of Oswestry Church, and that St. Asaph was now the Diocese of Oswestry. Soon after the above grant "Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph, certifies that he had seen and did confirm the Charter whereby William, son of William fitz Alan, gave to Shrewsbury Abbey two parts of his demesne-tithes of Album Monasterium, towards the building-fund of the said Abbey". [1] Between the years 1204 and 1210 "Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph, confirms the Church of Album Monasterium, with the Chapel of St. Martin, to Shrewsbury Abbey. Witnesses,- Robert, Bishop of Bangor; Radulf, Abbot of Hagemon; Radulf, Abbot of Lilleshull; Roger, Prior of Wombridge; William de Baschurch; William fitz Fromund; Ranulf, Clerk of Warwick; William, Clerk; Stephen de Pimmele, and Thomas de Eston". [2] On January 23, 1212, Pope Innocent III. confirmed the above or some equivalent Charter of Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, relating to the "Church of St. Oswald". [3] There are two other Charters of Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, whereby he "confirms" or "concedes" the above Church and Chapel. One (the concession) is expressed to be "with consent of the Chapter of St. Asaph". Both must have passed between 1216 and 1222, being attested by H. Abbot of Buildwas, N. (Nicholas) Abbot of Burton, H. (Henry) Abbot of Derley, and O. (Osbert) Abbot of Hagemon. One is further attested by Masters Nicholas and Gilbert de Weston. [4] Next perhaps in order of date, but certainly before the year 1221, is the Charter whereby "R. Bishop of St. Asaph concedes to Hugh, Abbot of Shrewsbury, 20 merks, in the name of a pension, out of the Church of St. Oswald". [5] This permission was short of the full appropriation of Oswestry Church, which the same or another Bishop Reyner at length sanctioned.- The Deed of Appropriation is without date or witness. "Bishop Reyner constitutes and inducts the Abbot and Convent of Salop into the Church of Album Monasterium, ad proprios usus eorundem". [6] There are also three Deeds whereby the Abbot and

[1] Salop Chartulary, No. 362-b.
[2] Ibidem, No. 358.
[3] Ibidem, No. 369.
[4] Ibidem, Nos. 356, 368-j.
[5] Ibidem, No. 368-c.
[6] Ibidem, No. 363.


(From a sketch taken in 1807).

[For engraving, see pdf.]


Convent of Shrewsbury are instituted to, or placed in corporal possession of, the Church of St. Oswald, or Album Monasterium, by some Bishop Reyner. [1] One of these Deeds is without witness or date: another implies the consent of the Chapter of St. Asaph, and is attested by Odelou, Chaplain; Roger, Sacristan of Album Monasterium, and Stephen, Cellarer: the third Deed is attested by O. Abbot of Hagemon, and Hugh le Strange; and may be dated between 1220 and 1223. The next step was the ordination of Oswestry Vicarage.- There are several Charters relating to this, and to the institution of the first Vicar. One, dated at Shrewsbury, on December 29, 1223, supplies the proximate date of all. It is the Bishop's Taxation of the Vicarage of Album Monasterium, and is attested by Sir John fitz Alan, Vivian de Rossall, and Roger de Sibbeton. Other Deeds give Bishop Reyner as admitting and instituting Philip fitz Leofth, alias Philip, son of Philip de Letfchild, to the Vicarage of the Church of St. Oswald, which Vicarage is thus taxed.- "The Vicar shall have all oblations, obversions, and small tithes, and three messuages in Oswestry. He shall cause the services of the said Church to be becomingly performed by two Chaplains. He shall be liable to discharge the Bishop's synodals and all other burdens, and shall be content with the portion above assigned. All garbs, hay (i.e. corn and hay tithes), lands, and rents, are reserved to the Abbey. [2] One of these Taxations of the Vicarage is attested by "David de Witinton, then Dean; and John fitz Daniel". [3]

Meantime the Monks of Shrewsbury had been careful to obliterate a claim to a certain Prebend or Portion in Oswestry Church, which would seem to have been urged by the then Lord of Powis Vadog. A Certificate in the Abbey Chartulary by Madoc ap Griffin, declares that "the contention which had arisen between himself and the Abbey, concerning a certain portion, formerly held by one Seysil, in the Church of Album Monasterium, had at length been settled on August 17, before Masters Adam fitz Odo and Richard Seys, Vicars for the Bishop of St. Asaph". He now resigns the said portion into the hands of the said Vicars. This surrender was made in the aforesaid Church in the year 1217. [4]

The Abbot of Shrewsbury was no less mindful to get a recognition of his right to the Advowson of Oswestry from its temporal Lord. One of the Quitclaims of "John, son of William, son of William

[1] Ibidem, Nos. 368-1, 356, 368-k.
[2] Ibidem, Nos. 359, 364.
[3] Ibidem, No. 368-m.
[4] Ibidem, No. 122-b.


fitz Alan" (as he is here styled) bears date at Roucestria on September 12, 1219 or 1229 [1] (probably the former), and is attested by Robert de Gyros, Vivian de Roshall, and Thomas de Constantine,- three persons whose political sympathies with John fitz Alan from 1215 to 1217 are well marked in other Records.

In 1228 Hugh Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, issued a manifesto relative to the Abbot of Shrewsbury's rights as regarded Oswestry Church. [2] This he did, I conceive, not as Diocesan, but as having had a general commission from Pope Honorius III. to adjudicate upon, and rectify, all wrongs done to the Abbey or its property. [3]

Between the years 1225 and 1232, Abraham, Bishop of St. Asaph, "inspected, recited, and confirmed the Charter whereby his predecessor, Reyner, had conceded Oswestry Church and St. Martin's Chapel to Shrewsbury Abbey". This is the subject of two Charters. [4] Between the years 1233 and 1241, "Hugh, Bishop of St. Asaph, inspected, recited, and confirmed the Charters of Abraham". Bishop Hugh also directed a new Taxation of the Vicarage, differing from the former in that it gives the Vicar only one messuage in Oswestry. [5]

Between the years 1232 and 1236 John fitz Alan receives under his protection all lands which the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury had in the Hundred of Album Monasterium, and also their Church of Album Monasterium, with the Chapel of St. Martin and the other Chapels pertaining to the said Church. Witnesses,- Robert de Haia, then Sheriff of Salop and Stafford, Robert de Girhos, and Thomas de Roshall. [6]

In the first year of his Pontificate, and on July 23, 1250, "Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, being at Shrewsbury, inspected and confirmed the Charters of his predecessors, Reyner, Abraham, and Hugh, and of the Chapter of St. Asaph, securing the Church of Oswestry to Salop Abbey. Witnesses, - Master Anian, Archdeacon of St. Asaph; Madoc and John, the Bishop's Clerks". [7]

Several Papal Bulls and Archiepiscopal Mandates enjoin the Bishops of Coventry, Hereford, and St. Asaph to protect the Abbot of Shrewsbury and his possessions. It was probably in reference to one of these, and not as having any local authority, that R. [8] Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, inspected and verified the Charters of Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, of William fitz Alan (II), and John

[1] [2] [3] Ibidem, Nos. 368, 368-b, 339.
[4] Ibidem, Nos. 364-b, 368-o.
[5] Ibidem, Nos. 360, 361.
[6] [7] Ibidem, Nos. 305-b, 365.
[8] Either Roger de Weseham (1246-1256), or Roger de Molend (1257-1295).


fitz Alan (I), touching the right of Shrewsbury Abbey to Oswestry Church. [1] It is clear that the second John fitz Alan was no friend to the Shrewsbury Monks or their interests.- By a letter, dated at Lambeth on October 31, 1260, Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, informs the Bishop of St. Asaph that "Sir John fitz Alan, Lord of Arundel, had dispossessed the Abbey of certain goods and fruits pertaining to the Church of St. Oswald". The Bishop (Anian I.) is to compel the Baron to make restitution, under pain of ecclesiastical censure. [2]

John fitz Alan (II) died in November 1267. His son, John fitz Alan (III), was a violent opponent of the Abbot of Shrewsbury's interests; and it would seem that Anian (II), who was consecrated Bishop of St. Asaph on October 21, 1268, sided with Fitz Alan. Hence arose Suits, both in the temporal and spiritual Courts, of which we have the following particulars.- In Michaelmas Term, 1269, the Abbot names Brother Lucas and Nicholas de Ruggele his Attorneys in a Plea of trespass and land, which he had against John fitz Alan. [3] The Plea-Roll of Easter Term 1270 gives proof that this Suit was a double one.- The Placitum terrae was as follows.- John fitz Alan (II) had ejected the Abbot from certain lands in Blancmunster. John, his son and heir, still retained those lands, although he had frequently been admonished, both by the King and the Sheriff, to make restitution according to the law of the district. He had also, though repeatedly summoned to appear coram Rege, failed to do so. Therefore the Sheriff had been ordered to distrain him, and to have his body now in Court. The Sheriff had failed, and was again ordered to take such measures by the 1st of July ensuing. [4] The Placitum transgressionis was, that "John, son of John fitz Alan (that is, John fitz Alan (III)), had ejected the Abbot from his property, had levelled the Abbot's houses, and appropriated the Abbot's goods to the value of 60 merks"; that the King had enjoined the said John to make amends, on pain of a Royal procedure against him; and that the said John had cared to do nothing, and had not yet appeared to the charge; so the Court had already ordered the Sheriff that notwithstanding the Franchise of Blancmunster he should distrain the said John and compel his bodily appearance on the present day. The Sheriff now merely announced to the Court that Fitz Alan had found Manucaptors, viz. Thomas le Wodeward and others, for his appearance. The former

[1] [2] Ibidem, Nos. 366, 60.
[3] Essoigns, Mich. Tm. 53-4 Hen. III.
[4] Placita coram Rege, Pasch. Tm. 54 Hen. III., m. 14 dorso.


order to the Sheriff was once more repeated, and the return thereto fixed for July 8, 1270. [1] In Easter and Trinity Terms 1271 several entries occur on the Rolls showing that John fitz Alan still refused to comply with the King's injunction, or to appear in Court. In one instance, the Sheriff sent word to the Court that "Fitz Alan had nothing in his Bailiwick save the Manor of Shrawardine"; but the Court repeated its former order, viz. "to disregard the Franchise of Blancminster". On another occasion, Walter de Pedwardine, William fitz Hugh, and John de Westhope, were announced as Manucaptors for the Baron's appearance. John fitz Alan's death on March 18, 1272, seems to have stopped all proceedings in the temporal Courts.

Meantime, a Suit had been pending in the Courts spiritual, of another kind. John fitz Alan (III) had even denied the right of the Abbot of Shrewsbury to the Advowson of Oswestry, and in the year 1269 had presented Walter de Hangmere, Clerk, to the Church. Bishop Anian (II) recognized the Presentee, and ordered his Official for the district of Powys to institute and induct him.
[2] The Abbot of Shrewsbury at once appealed to the Court of Canterbury, alleging his impropriate right to the Church of St. Oswald de Albo Monasterio, and the wrong done by the Bishop in causing another Rector to be inducted. The Abbot further alleged 200 damages, suffered by his House, in the loss of its goods on this occasion. The Abbot's appointment of his Proctors in this cause is dated August 24, 1269, and, on October 14 following, the Court of Canterbury issued an inhibition, and a citation to appear, against Bishop Anian. On November 5 the cause was progressing, but was adjourned to December 9, [3] when the Court ordered its Official to transmit to the Bishop a Copy of the Privileges granted to the Abbey by Pope Eugenius. Also the Court cited Walter de Engmere to appear, if he thought it his interest so to do. On an adjourned day (January 28, 1270) the said Walter appeared, and when the Abbot's Proctor accused the Bishop of contumacy in not appearing, Walter proposed that the Bishop should be dismissed from the suit, seeing that he had acted in the matter, not officially, but at the instance of the said Walter. On another adjourned day (March 7, 1273) the Court nullified all that the Bishop had done in the premises, since the Abbot had laid his appeal; and Walter Hangmere was dismissed sine die. Further pleadings were heard on April 21 and May 23,

[1] Placita coram Rege, Pasch. Tm. 54 Hen. III., m. 14 dorso.
[2] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fo. 80-b.
[3] Ibidem, fo. 73-a, 73-b.


1270, when it appeared that the Bishop and Abbot had come to some private arrangement, which the Court ordered to be produced. In one of the Bishop's answers to the Court, he stated that "when he quitted Wales, he left the Monks of Shrewsbury in possession of the Church of Oswestry, but that, when he returned, he found them ejected, and he believed the ingress (of any other party) to be unsound (vitiosum)". [1] In another document, dated at Rustok, on March 25, 1272, the Bishop declares that "he had not expelled the said Monks from possession of the Church of Oswestry, nor did he believe that they were lawfully expelled". [2]

Notwithstanding that an Appeal to Rome had been made in this cause, and that the said Appeal was pending in 1271, it appears to have been settled by compromise at home;- and in favour of the Abbot, so far as his right to Oswestry Church was concerned. However he had to give to Bishop Anian and his successors all the land which his Convent owned at Martin's Church. [3] By a Certificate dated at London in May 1272, Lucas, Abbot of Shrewsbury, records how his Convent had been "reinstated in possession of Oswestry Church by Bishop Anian, having been ejected therefrom by John fitz Alan, who had died on March 18th previous";- also how "the said Bishop now authorized that appropriation which had existed from a time beyond memory, till John fitz Alan's unseemly and unjust act". The Abbot now therefore cancels the letters of his Convent, whereby "Master Richard de Suham and another had been appointed Proctors to prosecute a Suit against the said Bishop and certain other persons". [4] I presume that it was on this occasion, and that it was this Bishop Anian, who collated the Sacristan of Shrewsbury Abbey to the Church of Album Monasterium. [5]

On August 17, 1280, Archbishop Peckham, being at the Bishop of Lichfield's Manor of Tachebrok, "saw and approved" the following muniments of Shrewsbury Abbey, relative to the "Church of St. Oswald, at Album Monasterium, in the Diocese of St. Asaph", viz. "charter of collation (gift) by Roger, Earl of Salop, and by Warin Vicecomes; a charter of Confirmation by John, son of Willian fitz Alan, afterwards Lord of Album Monasterium; letters of appropriation by Reyner (I), Reyner (II), [6] and Anian, Bishops of St. Asaph; letters of Confirmation by the Chapter of St. Asaph,

[1] Ibidem, fos. 74-a, to fo. 78-a.
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 361.
[3] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fo. 79-b.
[4] [5] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 360, 362.
[6] It would appear from this that there were two Bishops of St. Asaph named Reyner in succession. Mr. Hardy, in his Edition of Le Neve's Fasti (Vol. I. p. 66), makes a remark which shows that he suspected something of the kind, on the ground that Bishop Reyner (if only one person) must have sat for the unusual term of 38 years.- My transcript of the Shrewsbury Chartulary does not enable me to distinguish any two Letters of Appropriation as being the one by Reyner (I), the other by Reyner (II). Possibly a closer inspection of the Original might further elucidate this curious question; for I can hardly suppose that Archbishop Peckham was mistaken in attributing the Deeds to two persons.


and by Pope Gregory IX.". The Archbishop's Charter further justifies the Abbey in the receipt of a pension of 30s. from the said Church. [1]

The Taxation of 1291 places the Church of Oswalstra in the Deanery of Marchia, and Diocese of St. Asaph. The Rectory was valued at 26. 13s. 4d., and the Vicarage at 8. 13s. 4d. [2]

A Memorandum in the Leiger-Book of Shrewsbury Abbey shows that the tithes of certain lands belonged to the "Parish Church of Oswalster", that is, I presume, to the Vicarage. The enumeration may perhaps be of some local interest. The lands thus charged were,- 14 crofts between the road towards Whytyngton and the Lord's Park;- 4 crofts of the Sputy (i.e. Hospital);- Sheldmerefeld;- the Colynfeld of Troghford;- Thomas Salte's crofts, lying near Baghface and elsewhere;- the crofts of Janyn Lloyt, of the late Richard Straunge, and of Richard Salte;- land near Breregrevenes and the field of Llanforda;- Thomas Mocleston's and Richard Salte's crofts under the Heye;- Bryniglaas;- Brini-reymon;- Maysfonnoneyre;- Richard Haston's croft;- lands within the demesnes of the Abbot of Salop;- Stokkyngfeld;- Colnhousecroft;- land held by Hethe Daa;- the croft called Park Robin;- Roger OEdewyth's croft;- and two crofts called Wolveshull.

A Rent-Roll of Shrewsbury Abbey, drawn up about 1490, gives the tithes of Oswestry as worth 38 per annum.

The Valor of 1534 gives the Vicarage of Oswestre, in the Deanery of Marchia, as worth 26. 13s. 4d., which income was chargeable with 2. 17s. 10d. deductions, viz. 40s. for lactualia; [3] 15s. for procurations; and 2s. 10d. for the average procuration payable at a Bishop's Visitation. [4] The Rectory of Oswestre, appropriated to Shrewsbury, was at the same time found, by the scrutiny of the Parishioners, to be worth 66. 13s. 4d. per annum.
[4] But the Abbot

[1] Harl. MS. 3868, fo. 8.
[2] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 285.
[3] Lactualia were the tithes of cheese, butter, and dairy produce, receivable by Incumbents from their Parishioners. It seems to have been a peculiarity of St. Asaph Diocese that the Incumbents handed over a portion of these dues to their Bishop. In fact, the Bishop's Lactualia were as constant a charge on the benefices of that Diocese as the annual and triennial procurations: and the income derivable from Lactualia was greater than that derived from the two kinds of procuration combined.
[4] Valor Eccles., Vol. IV. pp. 448-8.


of Shrewsbury's contemporary return states the ferm of the Rectorial tithes of Oswestry to be only 46 per annum. [1] In 1341-2, the Ministers' Accounts value the Tithes of Oswestree at 56. 10s. [2]

OF THE EARLY INCUMBENTS of Oswestry, or of any Church in the Diocese of St. Asaph, I can offer no detailed list. The Episcopal Registers which should afford this specific information are either lost or never existed.

OSWESTRY CHURCH-FEE. The original Glebe of Oswestry Church seems to have been considerable. About the year 1190, "William fitz Alan acknowledges that he has received from William le Strange certain land which belonged to the Church of Oswaldestr', and to that Church he restores it without any claim. Witnesses,- Robert fitz Aer, Reginald de Heding, Reginald Clerk, and Alan Clerk." [3] About the year 1225-30, when now their appropriation of Oswestry Church made the Monks of Shrewsbury owners of its glebe, they purchased from the first John fitz Alan, for 24 merks, certain privileges for their Tenants at Oswestry. [4] The Baron's Charter on this occasion is to the following purport. Johannes filius Willielmi filii Alani dedi et concessi et hac presenti confirmavi omnibus hominibus Abbatis et Conventus de Salop', de ecclesia Sancti Oswaldi de Albo Monasterio tenentibus, liberam communam fori mei de Albo Monasterio ad emendum et vendendum libere, etc., et quod suas merchandisas faciant et furniant, salva secta furorum meorum, et brascient, salvo debito theoloneo, scilicet de quolibet brascino I denarium, etc. Ista autem in manu mea retineo, scilicet placita et attachiamenta latrocinii et sanguinis per arma molta effusi, [5] et omnia Placita Corone, et quod predicti tenentes mihi auxilium facient cum burgensibus meis, sicut facere solebant, et quod in terra predicta non receptentur alii mercantes, residenciam facientes, etc. Pro hac Abbas dedit 24 marcas. Hiis testibus, Willielmo Pantona, Viviano de Rossall, Alano Pantona et aliis. [6]

John fitz Alan (II) repeated the above grant in a Charter, dated at Clun on August 29, 1247. There is also a third Charter similar to the above, except that it states some of the Market-tolls which were reserved: for instance, every buyer and seller of a horse paid 2d., every seller of a hog, worth 40d. or more, paid 4d., according to the custom of the town. This Charter is also more particular in asserting and retaining all those rights of haute justice, which

[1] Ibidem, Vol. III. p. 189.
[2] Monasticon, Vol. III. p. 528.
[3] [4] Salop Chartulary, Nos. 302-b, 304.
[5] That is the amercement for bloodshed when caused by any riot.
[6] Salop Chartulary, No. 370-b.


elsewhere were appurtenant to Royalty.- Haec autem sequentia in manu mea retineo scilicet placita et attachiamenta latrocinii, sanguinis effusi per arma molta, et placita Corone, et alia placita de terris et assisis que pertinent ad regalitatem. Omnia autem placita, et sanguinis effusi per arma non molta, etc. Abbati et Conventui remaneant. Hiis testibus, Dominis Radulfo Basset, Radulfo le Botiler, Thoma de Rossall. [1] Though this Charter is unquestionably by John fitz Alan (II), Ralph Bassett's attestation would incline me to date it 15 years later than the Charter of 1247. [2]

The three following Deeds of the 13th century belong to our present subject. Two of them show how extensively Oswestry was inhabited by the Welsh.- "Herdaf fitz Yagon gives to Shrewsbury Abbey all the land which he held under the said Abbey in the vill and fields of Oswaldestre. Witnesses,- John, Priest of Wititon; Stephen fitz Stephen, Priest; and Griffin Cassemenin". [3] Again, "John le Salter of Oswaldestr' acknowledges himself bound to the Abbey in half a merk annual rent, for that place of land which lay outside Oswestry Churchyard, and which extended from Richard fitz Stephen's messuage to the King's highway. Witnesses,- W(illiam) de Dreiton, then Constable of Oswaldestr', Ralph le Mere, and Roger fitz John". [4] Again, "Griffin fitz Zagon, Einon fitz Kenewrek, Madoc Du, and Wrenou, their cousin, give to the Abbey 3 acres in the fields of Album Monasterium, extending from the road which led towards Lenfordaf, and which had been formerly held by Philip Leg and by Ralph, a Monk of Salop. Witnesses,- William le Bret; Stephen, Chaplain; Reymund, Deacon; and Thomas Langobard". [5]

Henry III.'s Charter of Free Warren to Shrewsbury Abbey dates on May 21, 1256. It extends to "all the Abbey's demesne-lands in its Manor of Album Monasterium".

The Abbey Rent-Roll (about 1490) gives 7 as the income of its demesnes of Oswestry; whilst "Mayster Newton" held tenements there at an annual rent of 2. 6s. 8d. [6] In the Valor of 1534 the above items are probably included under the head of Baschurch; but the Abbot had a Bailiff at Oswestry, one Evan Lloyd, whose salary was 20s. per annum. [7] In the Ministers' Accounts of 1541-2 the late Abbey's ferms at Oswestry are entered as yielding 4. 10s., exclusive of the Rectorial tithes. [8]

[1] Salop Chartulary, No. 306.
[2] Vide supra, Vol. I. p. 281.
[3] Salop Chartulary, No. 124.
[4] Ibidem, No. 158.
[5] Salop Chartulary, No. 159.
[6] History of Shrewsbury, II. 509.
[7] Valor Ecclesiasticus, III. 190.
[8] Monasticon, Vol. III. p. 528.



The Chapels and Churches, which successively owned Maesbury Church and Oswestry Church as their Mother, cannot be very easily determined. I take Llanymynech, Llan-y-blodwell, Selattyn, and St. Martin's, to have been of the number. Llanforda had also a Chapel, long since destroyed, [1] and there were several Chapels in the town or suburbs of Oswestry. Leland describes three such.- One, dedicated to St. John the Baptist, stood between the Stratllan (or Church Street) and the Port-dee (or South-eastern gate of the Town). Another, in the same quarter, was dedicated to St. Oswald, and was over St. Oswald's Well. A third, dedicated to St. Edith, stood North-east of the town, towards Chester. [2]

Of the Chapel within the Castle of Oswestry, we have minuter notices than of any of the above. A document in the Leiger-Book of Shrewsbury Abbey shows us that this Chapel had a distinct endowment arising from tithes. The lands which yielded these tithes were, a Curtilage called Castelcroftes; a croft called Wynwallecroft; a croft under Redehulle; a croft called Chykenewall; a croft, late held by Thomas Lhw; also Robbemedewecroft, with a meadow; and the field called Cadogonesfeld.

In the Valor of 1534-5 the "Free Chapel within the Church of Oswestre" is probably the Chapel now under notice. Its clear annual value was 5. 16s. [2] Of course we suppose it to have been continuously in the patronage of the Lords of Oswestry Castle.


Leland's idea, that Oswestry was called Album Monasterium because its Church was preceded by a Monastery, was exactly the reverse of fact. It was called Album Monasterium after, and because, it had been ennobled by a grand Minster, or Church. The gravestones of certain Monks, which Leland heard of, as having been in the Cloisters of Oswestry Church, were no proof of any Monastery attached thereto. The Monuments in question were doubtless those of Shrewsbury Monks, members perhaps of some cell at Oswestry, but more probably resident there for the management of the Abbot's interests and estates. There was, however, at Oswestry a Hospital,

[1] Leland talks of "Lianvarda Chirch, now decaid". He adds,- "Sum say this was the Paroch Chirch of Oswestre". This idea was probably the perversion of a tradition which really related to Maesbury, rather than Llanforda.
[2] Leland's Itinerary, Lib. V. fos. 39, 40.
[3] Valor Ecclesiasticus, IV. 449.


founded with great pains and endowed with great liberality, but not connected with the Church, except that it happened to be built on Church land.-

It was between the years 1200 and 1210, and before Oswestry Church was appropriated to Shrewsbury Abbey, that Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, purchased the site and precinct of an intended Hospital. He selected for his purpose land which then belonged to Oswestry Church, so that he had to deal partly with the Abbot of Shrewsbury (as Patron), and partly with certain Clerks or Prebendaries (as Incumbents) of the Church. Hence we have a Deed whereby "Hugh, Abbot of Shrewsbury, at request of Reiner, Bishop of St. Asaph, conceded, gave, and confirmed to God, St. Mary, St. Michael, and St. John the Evangelist, the site of that Hospital which the said Reyner had founded in the territory of the Church, with the crofts on either side, and the messuage next to the Hospital, and 23 acres of land near the town, towards the west, with a little meadow, and 9 acres of land next to the Hospital itself, which 9 acres the Clerks of the foresaid Church had conceded to the Hospital". [1] Immediately after his purchase of a site and precinct, and still between the years 1204 and 1210, Bishop Reyner purchased the township of Willcot from John le Strange (II) as an endowment for his Hospital. The price (70 merks) and other particulars of this transaction have been detailed under Ness. [2] The above transfer of Church property, as well as the stability of the Hospital, seem to have required Papal recognition. I am inclined to date the following abstract of a Bull of Pope Innocent III. on December 23, 1211 (though the year is not given).-

Innocentius Episcopus, etc., dilectis filiis, Magistro et fratribus Hospitalis Albi Monasterii salutem. Personas vestras et Hospitale sub Beati Petri protectione suscepimus. Specialiter autem acras terre et villam de Wilcote que ex donacione fideliem Hospitale, prout asseritis, est adeptum, confirmamus. Dat' Lateran' X kal. Januar'. [3]

Meanwhile Bishop Reyner had enriched his Hospital with considerable purchases or procurements of lands, houses, rents, rent-charges, and privileges, elsewhere. These various acquisitions, constituting a kind of Chartulary of Oswestry Hospital, I proceed to give in detail.-

About 1209-1210 "William fitz Alan gives and confirms to the

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 158.
[2] Supra, page 285.
[3] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 158-b. Tit. Oswaldestre.


Poor of the Hospital-House of Album Monasterium a right of pasture through all his land of Kennenion (Cynynion) for all animals, being their own property. [1] Witnesses,- William and John, the Donor's sons; Helias de Say; Reiner de Lee". [1] Also,-

"William fitz Alan's Burgesses (homines) of Album Monasterium conceded to the Hospital there, a portion (pugillum) of every horse-load, sold in the corn and salt-market of the vill, and one gallon of beer from every Brewing, and one loaf from every Baking;- which donation the said William fitz Alan confirmed". [1]

"Roger de Longenhalre sold to the said Hospital a shop in Shrewsbury, in the street which led towards Gumbelstole, and two-thirds of the land behind, and 3 shops which Walter Hosier held of the Vendor for a term. For this 4 merks and one bacon were paid. Witnesses,- Richard and Henry, Canons of Haghmon; Robert Scitte".

"John, son of John fitz Martin, with consent of his wife and heirs, sold to the Custos and Brethren of the same Hospital 8s. 0d. rent, arising from 9 tenements in Coleham (Shrewsbury);- for which Bishop Reyner paid the Vendor 8 merks in the Hundred Court of Salopesbury, and in behalf of the said Brethren. Witnesses,- Richard Rusticus and William fitz William, then Provosts (of Shrewsbury)".

These and some other endowments, which are not the subject of distinct Charters, were embodied by Bishop Reyner in an Instrument which may be called the Foundation Charter of Oswestry Hospital, and which passed about 1210-1215. The following is an abstract thereof.- Omnibus Christi fidelibus, etc., Reinerus, etc., salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod nos domum hospitalem in fundo Ecclesie apud Album Monasterium, ex donacione Abbatis et Conventus Salopesburie fundatam, sub nostra protectione suscepimus, et ipsam domum cum pertinenciis in usum pauperum in perpetuum confirmavimus:- imprimis siquidem locum in quo domus illa sita erat cum duabus croftis, ex utraque parte domus, cum prato parvo et XIII acris terre juxta villam, versus Walliam;- ex donacione Clericorum XIX acras terre ex altera parte ville cum quodam prato;- ex empcione, in feodo Johannis Extranei totam villam de Wilcote cum pasturis et pertinenciis suis;- item ex empcione apud Salopesburiam ex feudo Hugonis Pantulf, sex shoppas cum tota terra Rogeri de Longenhalre;- item apud Coleham redditum 8s. 0d.;- in Mardevall, [2] 7s.;- apud Wilam, [3] in eadem villa, redditum 4s. 6d.;

[1] Chartulary (ut supra), fo. 158-b.
[2] [3] Now Mardol and The Wyle Cop.


-item alibi in eadem villa 6d.;- preterea de Clericis de Lansilin [1] annuatim 30 solidos;- de Reddns 30s.;- de Langaenia [2] marcam unam;- de Langum (unam) marcam;- de Lanvaur [3] 10 solidos;- de donacione Willielmi filii Alani, pasturam per totam Chenenneon ad omnia animalia propria ipsius domus. Libertates etiam et immunitates sive oblaciones et elemosynas eidem loco concessas, vel ex donacione fidelium in posterum concedendas, auctoritate pontificali in usus pauperum presenti scripto confirmamus et sigilli nostri apposicione communimus. His testibus:- Abbate de Stratmarkel; Johanne Abbate de Valle Crucis; Ithel filio Alani, tunc Decano.

It must have been after July 1213 (when he first landed in England) that "Stephen (de Langton) Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of England, and Cardinal of the Holy Roman Church", confirmed the Charter of Hugh, Abbot of Shrewsbury, and inspected, recited, and confirmed the above Charter of Bishop Reyner. The Archbishop's Deed is attested by "Master Simon de Langton, his brother". Now it is clear, from what I have said under Willcot, [4] that before the year 1210 Bishop Reyner had so negotiated with Haughmond Abbey, as that the Canons were willing to maintain a Chapel or Chantry in Oswestry Hospital. They were to have Willcot as an endowment of the said Chantry, or as a consideration for their undertaking. The second of the Charters of John le Strange (II), as I have quoted them under Willcot, shows the nature of this contract. Another Charter of the same John le Strange is still more to the point.- Johannes filius Johannes Extranei dedi et concessi (Canonicis de Haghmon) totam villam de Winelecote cum molendino et vivario ejusdem, et cum duabus moris in le Marchis juxta Winelcote, etc. Et volo quod dicti Canonici de redditu dicte ville sustineant unam Cantariam in Hospitali Albi Monasterii, scilicet "Le Sputty", secundum quod Reinerus Episcopus Sti Asaph ordinavit, qui pro ista donacione dedit mihi LXX marcas argenti. [5]

Having allotted to the Canons of Haghmon the spiritual care, and so large a portion of the endowments, of his Hospital, Bishop Reyner's next step seems to have been an inconsistent one. Between

[1] Llansilin Church was now Collegiate, but afterwards appropriated to the Bishop and Canons of St. Asaph. The Clerici of the text, who had charged their income in favour of Oswestry Hospital, were probably Prebendaries or Co-Rectors of the Church of Llansilin.
[2] Llangernew perhaps. The Rectory was then or afterwards appropriated to one of the Prebendaries of St. Asaph.
[3] Llanvair perhaps. The Church was afterwards appropriated to Llanlogan Monastery.
[4] Supra, page 285.
[5] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 161-b. Tit. Oswaldestre.


July 1217 and July 1218 he bestowed the Foundation and all its belongings on the Order of the Hospitallers. This consignment runs as follows.- Omnibus Christi fidelibus, etc. Reinerus d.g. etc. salutem in Domino. Sciatis nos intuitu Dei dedisse Sancte domui Hospitalis Jerusalem, et fratribus ejusdem domus, domum Hospitalem Albi Monasterii cum omnibus possessionibus et pertinenciis suis in eternum possidendam, in puram et perpetuam elemosynam, sicuti de patrimonio Crucefixi et elemosynis pauperum perceptis fundavimus. Prior vero tunc existens in Anglia, Frater H. de Alneto et Confratres, de nobis indubitanter confidentes commiserunt nobis omnimodam amministrationem ejusdem Hospitalis, habendam toto tempore vite nostre, solvendo inde annuatim eis in festo Sancti Michaelis XX solidos sterlingorum. The Charter goes on to stipulate that, after Bishop Reyner's death, the administration of the Hospital shall remain to the Prior of the Hospitallers, quit of the Bishop's successors: but the Prior and his Brethren are to undertake to maintain therein always seven poor persons, and to supply every vacancy of the seven at once. The Charter then concludes as follows.- Nos vero omnia munimenta, quae habuimus de omnibus possessionibus predicte domus hospitalis, anno secundo Pontificatus Honorii Papae III dictis Priori et fratribus reddidimus, et si qua in posterum tota vita nostra perquirere poterimus, eisdem reddemus. His testibus, David Vewan, persona de Witinton, etc. The contemporary and corresponding Deed of Henry de Alneto, Prior of the English Hospitallers, runs as follows.- Frater H. de Alneto, etc. Considerantes laudabile factum quod nobis fecit dilectus pater in Christo Reinerus Episcopus, etc. de dono domus hospitalis Albi Monasterii, quam instructu Spiritus Sancti ad opus nostrum fundaverat, de eo non immerito indubitaliter confidentes, ei curam et administracionem, toto tempore vite sue, commisimus.

The rupture which one would expect between the Canons of Haughmond and the Knights Hospitallers seem to have taken place at once. The quarrel was referred to Archbishop Langton, and the Canons of Haughmond obtained the same object in perpetuity, as Bishop Reyner had covenanted for himself and for his life. The following Deed by Nicholas, Abbot of Haughmond, shows the nature of the compromise.- Nicholas d. g. Abbas de Haghmon, etc., Noveritis quod, cum causa verteretur coram Stephano d. g. Cantuar' Archiepiscopo inter nos et Priorem et fratres Hospital' in Anglia, super possessione domus hospitalis Albi Monasterii, tandem convenit, etc. Domum tenebimus de Priore, cum omnibus terris, etc. solvendo


XX solidos apud Hallestan. [1] Et Prior munimenta nobis resignabit. [2] Bishop Reyner at once assented to this arrangement, as the following Deed, which must have passed between 1218 and 1221, will manifest.- Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego R. Episcopus Sancti Asaph commisi domino Abbati et Canonicis de Haghmon omnem curam Hospitalis Albi Monasterii cum tota terra de Vinelicote et redditibus in Salop', et cum rebus et redditibus ad ipsum Hospitalem pertinentibus, et cum aliis pertinenciis suis, ut ipsi de predictis, sicut melius potuerint, provideant pauperibus sepedicti Hospitalis. Et ne aliquis contra hoc in aliquo venire presumat hujus cure commissionem presenti scripto cum sigilli nostri testimonio predictis Abbati et Canonicis confirmare curavi. Hiis testibus;- Rad' Britone, tunc Vicecomite; [3] Stephano de Stantun; Willielmo de Ercalwe; Stephano de Pimbeleg; Jona Capellano de Knokyn; Ithel, Decano; David Vacchan et multis aliis. [4] Another Charter of the same Bishop differs a little from the above. Bishop Reyner gives and concedes to Haughmond hospitale quod construxi apud Album Monasterium super terra quam emi de Abbate et Monachis de Salop, cum tota terra de V. (Willcot) et cum redditibus in Salopesberia, etc. Hiis testibus, Rad' Britone tunc Subvicecomite and the other witnesses of the last (omitting Jonas, Chaplain of Knokyn).

It would seem that the Seigneural Lords of Oswestry claimed to be tenants in fee-farm of the land on which Oswestry Hospital was built. This and other considerations seem to have compelled the Canons of Haughmond to go to John fitz Alan for a Confirmation in their favour. This they obtained between the years 1220 and 1230; perhaps in 1223-4, or before Bishop Reyner's death. The Baron's Charter runs as follows. Sciant omnes tam presentes quam futuri quod ego Johannes filius Alani concessi et presenti carta confirmavi Deo et Ecclesie Sti Johannis Evangeliste de Haghmon et Canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus, in liberam et perpetuam elemosynam, pro salute anime mee et omnium antecessorum et heredum meorum donacionem quam Dominus Reynerus Episcopus de Sto Asaph fecit eis de Hospitali quod construxit apud Album Monasterium, super terram quam ego et heredes mei tenemus de Monachis

[1] Halston, then a Preceptory of the Knights Hospitallers.
[2] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 161-b.
[3] I do not find the name of this Sheriff on the Shropshire Pipe-Rolls. I suspect that he was employed by Henry de Audley, himself but a Deputy for the Earl of Cheater. A Patent of April 20, 1230, associates Ranulph Brito with Henry de Audley and other Shropshire men, who were about to accompany the King into Brittany.
[4] Harl. MS. 446. Quatern' XI. fo. 4.


Salopesberie ad feodi firmam, cum omnibus libertatibus et pertinenciis suis simul cum libertatibus et communitatibus quas pater meus eidem Hospitals concessit et carta sua confirmavit:- habend' et tenend' in perpetuum, integre, libere et quiete in bosco et plano, in pratis et pasturis, in viis et semitis et in omnibus locis, secundum tenorem qui in carta domini Reyneri Episcopi continetur. Et ego et heredes mei warantizabimus predictum Hospitale sepedictis Canonicis pro posse nostro contra omnes homines. Hiis testibus;- Johanne Extraneo Juniore; Willielmo de Dreyton, Senescallo; Viviano de Roshall; Thoma filio suo; Alano Paunton; Rogero de Sybiton; Rogero Anglico; Willielmo Britone, tunc Constabulario et multis aliis.

The above are the principal Charters which concern the establishment of Oswestry Hospital. Several other grants cannot be arranged so nearly in order of date, but I give, with some attempt at such arrangement, the following six, relating to property acquired in Shrewsbury. -

1. About 1216-8, "Gilbert fitz Bernard, for an urgent necessity, sold to the Hospital of St. John (at Oswestry), for XIIII marks and a rent of 2d. or 1 lb. of cummin, two shops with the chambers (solariis) above them, situated in the Market-place, Shrewsbury, next to the land which was Warin fitz Elgeve's. Witnesses,- Roger Clerk and Henry Wildegos, then Provosts (of Shrewsbury), Henry Palmer". [1]

2. About 1220, "Matilda, widow of Gilbert fitz Bernard of Salop, quitclaimed to Haghmon Abbey two shops which Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, bought of her late husband. Witnesses,- Robert Infans and Reiner Rufus, Provosts. Also William, son and heir of the said Gilbert, conceded and quitclaimed the said shops, saving the rent of 2d. to himself and his heirs; for which the Canons of Haghmon paid him 30s. 4d. [2]

3. About 1220, "William, son of Alan Clerk, sold to the Hospital of St. John at Oswestry, for 8s., a rent of 2s., issuing out of a croft in Coleham. Witnesses,- Robert fitz William and Reiner Rufus, then Provosts of Salop, and Hugh fitz Hathebronde". [3]

4. About 1221, "Hugh fitz Gedewine of Salopesbury, in urgent necessity, sold to Bishop Reiner 10s. rent of his messuage in Salopesbury, under the Street of Wils, which rent was to be payable quarterly, by the Vendor and his heirs, to the Custos and Brethren of Oswestry Hospital, to whom Bishop Rayner had given it. For this the Vendor had 8 marks. Witnesses,- Warin Infans, and Hugh fitz Hadebronde, then Provosts, and Reginald Clerk".

5. About 1222, "Warin fitz Elgeve conceded and gave to Oswestry Hospital two shops in Shrewsbury Market-place, with the chambers above them, viz. those which were next the shops which the said Brethren had purchased from Gilbert fitz Bernard. For this the Vendor received 14 merks, and the Grantees were to pay 4d. annually on Hoxtiweidei (Hock Tuesday [4]) to the King's ferm. Witnesses,- Gamel de Romoldesham and Reiner fitz Martin, Provosts". [5]

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 159-b.
[2] Ibidem, fo. 182.
[3] Ibidem, fo. 159-b.- Robert Infans and Robert fitz William were identical.
[4] The third Tuesday after Easter Day.
[5] Haughmond Chartulary, ut supra.


6. In the same Municipal year, "Hugh Hethebronde, by concession of Agnes, his wife, sold and quitclaimed to the same, for 4 merks, a messuage in Salopesbury, situated under the Wile:- reserving a rent of 2d. on Hoctesdei to the King. Witnesses,- Reiner and Gamel, then Provosts". [1]

I shall have to enumerate still further endowments of Oswestry Hospital when I come to Wooton and Aston. The following particulars are of more immediate local import. There was sometime an exchange between the Abbots of Shrewsbury and Haughmond. The former gave a culture under the Grange of William, Clerk of Oswaldestre, reaching up to the lands of the Sputte, also a croft under Caldwellemor, near the road to Middleton, also another place of land, all in exchange for a culture near the Fount of St. Oswald. [2]

About the year 1265, "Roger Marescall of Oswestry gave to the Hospital of Sputte one plot of land lying between the land of the said Hospital and land of John Baker, which plot be held hereditarily under Shrewsbury Abbey. He gave it for 5s. 6d. which the Brethren of the Hospital gave him in his need. The said Brethren were to pay the annual rent of 8d. due to Shrewsbury Abbey. Witnesses,- Vivian de Rossale, then Constable, William the Clerk, and William Anglicus, his brother". [3]

King Edward II., in his Confirmation to Haughmond Abbey (dated 27th February, 1320), includes John le Strange's Grants at Willcot to Oswestry Hospital, "which Hospital", adds the Record, "is now said to be annexed to the aforesaid Church of St. John", [4] i.e. to Haughmond Abbey.

On March 27, 1334, "Nicholas, Abbot of Haughmond, demises to Nicholas Madoks of Oswaldestre a piece of meadow at the Sputte for 40 years. Rent 12d". On Dec. 1, 1338, "the same Abbot demises to John Rodenhurste, Chaplain, for his life, the said Abbot and Convent's hospital of Sputte, in Album Monasterium, with its buildings, gardens, three crofts, and rents, which the said Abbot and Convent had in Album Monasterium, with the alms or tolls belonging to the said Hospital, and with the eight bushels of corn payable thereto at the feast of All Saints, and the eight bushels of beans payable at the feast of St. Chad. The Grantee is to serve the said Hospital by himself, or some other Priest, and to maintain a Chantry there, and to repair the Manse, Chapel, and Dove-cot, and other things within the Hospital enclosure". The iniquity of

[1] See a very inacurate description of this transaction in the Hundred-Roll of 1255 (Vol. II. p. 79).
[2] Salop Chartulary, No. 392.
[3] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 159.
[4] Monasticon, Vol. VI. p. 109-a.


this transaction needs no formal exposure. On March 18, 1341, the same Abbot demises to David Duy, Miller, his wife, Wladuse, and his daughter, Cecily, a piece of land at the Sputte. [1]

In the Valor of Henry VIII. the Abbot of Haughmond does not acknowledge any receipts from Oswestry, nor is a Hospital at Oswestry enumerated among the Religious Houses of the Diocese of St. Asaph. However, the Abbot of Haughmond still continued to pay a portion or quit-rent of 20s. to the Commandery of Halston. [2]


The nomenclature and condition of every village and place on the Welsh Border was necessarily liable to change. If it be difficult to say what were the Domesday members of Oswestry, [3] it is no less difficult to determine how far Fitz Alan's territory expanded or contracted itself during the two centuries which passed between Domesday and the Conquest of Wales. Of most of the places which might thus be brought under question, I have no particulars to give, further than such as have transpired in my account of Oswestry itself. But some other places must be noticed, not because I can declare them to have been original members of Maesbury, or Oswestry, but because they have a semblance of having been sometime brought within the jurisdiction of Fitz Alan, as established at Oswestry.-


We have seen that four vills, called Blodowanan, Clanordaffe, Bren, and Blodnorvaur, were accounted in 1272 to be in the Walcheria of Oswestry. I suppose Blodwel, Glan-y-rafon, Bryn, and Cefn-Blodwel to be the places indicated, and that the four involved a territory nearly equivalent to the present parish of Llan-y- Blodwel. We have further seen that, at the same period, the Church of Blodwel was accounted to be in the patronage of the Fitz Alans, and went to the Crown during the minority of Richard fitz Alan, afterwards Earl of Arundel. [4] In 1282, the King, as Custos of John fitz Alan's heir, presented William, son of Nicholas Zouch, to the vacant Church of Blodwas, in the Diocese of St. Asaph. [5]

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 162.
[2] Valor Eccles. IV. 456; III. 193. The latter entry is as follows.- Magistro de Halston pro Laslyttelhouse (probably La-Spyttel-House should be read) juxta Oswestre, per annum, 20s.
[3] [4] Vide supra, pages 320, 331.
[5] Patent. 10 Edw. I., m. 8.


The Taxation of 1291, placing the Church of Blodnol in the Deanery of Marchia, values the Rectory thereof at 6, and the Vicarage at 2. 13s. 4d. per annum. [1] I suppose that the Rectory had ere this been given to, and appropriated by, the Bishop of St. Asaph.

The Valor of 1534-5 shows that one Jevan ... was then farm ing the impropriate Rectory of Blodwell under the Bishop of St. Asaph, at a rent of 40s. per annum, as covenanted by a Capitular Lease. [2] As to the Vicarage of Llanblodwell, it was valued at 8. 0s. 8d. per annum, less 8s. 8d. for the following charges; viz. Bishop's Lactualia, 3s. 4d.; yearly Procuration, 3s. 4s.; and procurations at (the Bishop's) Visitations, 2s. per annum. [3]

The Parish of Llan-y-Blodwel, though bounded on three sides by Denbighshire and Montgomeryshire, has at all recorded periods been reputed to belong to Shropshire. This condition I take to be a result of its having belonged to the Walcheria of Oswestry.


When the Feodary of 1272 includes Treveltholnel and Kahercohou in the Walcheria of Oswestry, [4] I conclude that Treprenal and Carreghova are the two places meant, and that thus a good part of the present Parish of Llan-y-mynech owned the sway of Fitz Alan. This inference is strengthened by observing that John fitz Alan, then deceased, was the reputed Patron of the Church of Lanmenagh. The said Church was worth 10 merks yearly, and the Advowson thereof was assigned as part of the dower of Isabella de Mortimer, John fitz Alan's widow.

It appears that Anian (II), Bishop of St. Asaph, deeming the Advowson of Llanymeneich to belong to his See, contested the same with Isabella de Mortimer, and, though a Suit in the Curia Regis was decided against him, he appealed to the Pope, and refused to admit Isabella de Mortimer's Presentee. King Edward I., in a Writ of his 10th year (1281-2), met the Bishop's refusal by an order on the Sheriff of Shropshire to distrain upon his goods.
[5] The immediate result does not appear, save that the Taxation of 1291 divides the Church of Lanemeneych (in the Deanery of Marchia and Diocese of St. Asaph) into a Rectory, worth 7. 6s. 8d., and a Vicarage, worth 3. 6s. 8d. per annum. [6]

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 285.
[2] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. IV. p. 433.
[3] Ibidem, p. 449.
[4] Supra, page 330.
[5] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fo. 58-a & b.
[6] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 285.


In 1305 it appears that Bishop Leoline de Bromfield, having the Rectory of Llanymenych from the Rector, set it to the Vicar to farm. [1] An Institution to this Church by the same Bishop is dated Nov. 3, 1309, and in the 17th year of his consecration. [2]

At length, in the year 1312, we have a formal acknowledgment by Edmund, Earl of Arundel, that the Advowson of Llanymeneich Church was the right of the said Bishop and his successors. [3] It remains a Rectory, unappropriated, but in the gift of the Bishop of St. Asaph at the present day. In the Valor of 1534-5 the Rectory of Llanemourth (in the Deanery of Marchia) was valued at 13. 6s. 8d. per annum, less 5s. for Bishop's Lactualia, 5s. for annual procurations, and 3s. 4d. for each year's average of the procurations payable at a Bishop's Visitation. [4]

On the 8th of May 1535, four Commissioners, appointed to make such valuations, swore the gross value of Lla'-y-mynyth Parsonage to be only 10, without deducting Episcopal dues. [5]


The township of Carreghova, though in the Parish of Llan-y-mynech, is not in Shropshire. It forms an isolated portion of the County of Denbigh. Something in the ancient history of the district seems to tally with this anomalous status. It was a portion of Wales, not originally annexed to the Walcheria of Oswestry or the Fief of Fitz Alan, but conquered soon after Domesday by one of the Norman Earls. It remained therefore a part of the Palatinate of Shropshire, both under those Earls and under the Kings of England; but, whereas it was obviously expedient for its Lords to keep it distinct from Fitz Alan's Hundred of Oswestry, it had an isolated or extra-hundredal status for a period, and finally, after the Conquest of Wales, was annexed to Denbighshire.

The importance which attached to this district, probably arose in some traditional knowledge of its mineral wealth. There is good reason to suppose that the mines here, were first discovered by the Romans. That they were worked by one of our Plantagenet Kings, I shall fully prove in the sequel.

Florence of Worcester tells us that in the year 1101, when Robert de Belesme, Earl of Shrewsbury, commenced the fortification of Bridgnorth against King Henry, he also began another fortress in Walonia, in a place called Caroclove. In the following year too,

[1] [2] [3] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fos. 44.- b, 5-a, 52-a.
[4] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. IV. p. 449.
[5] Ibidem, Vol. VI. p. xlv.


the Earl was employing workmen by night and by day in order to complete the walls and towers of these two Castles. [1] Belesme's design with regard to Carreghova Castle had perhaps something to do with the alliance which he formed with the Welsh Princes, Cadogan and Gervase, sons of Rees. The Earl certainly put great trust in this alliance, and it was one of King Henry's first moves, to dissolve the compact by bribing the Welshmen. The surrender of all Belesme's Castles is announced by Florence of Worcester in the same sentence with his banishment from England. We may presume that Carreghova Castle was included, and that thus it devolved to the Crown.

I will next proceed to show how Henry II., in the fifth year of his reign, was in possession of this district; and how he continued to maintain, for several years, an efficient garrison in the Castle. In the Shropshire Pipe-Roll of 1159, the Sheriff charges the King with the following item of outlay. Et in liberacione Coterellorum de Carlecoel 15. 5s. By Coterelli, I here understand, not a class of inferior tenants of the soil, but a band of soldiers fitted for praedatory warfare, and placed in garrison at Carreghova. [2] In the year 1160, the Sheriff's charges are more explicit. Et in liberacione 1 militis et 20 servientum, et Portarii et Vigilum de Carecoel 25. 14s. 9d.; et in municione ejusdem Castri 73 sol'; et in reparanda porta de Carrecoel 3s. 4d. In 1161 the Sheriff charges- Et in liberacione 1 militis et 20 servientum et portarii et Vigilum de Carecoel 22. 17s. 8d. In 1162 he charges- Et in liberacione militum et servientum de Carrecoel 24. 3s. Et in municione Castri de Carrecoel 100s. In 1163 he charges- Et in liberacione militis et servientum de Carrecoel 17. 6s. 8d. Et in donis eorundem 10. 13s. 4d.;- that is, I suppose, the Garrison had had a gratuity as well as its regular pay.

In this same year (1163) the Welsh Chronicle assures us that "Owen Cyvelioc, Prince of one part of Powys, and Owen, younger son of Madoc (the then lately deceased Prince of Powis Vadoc, and the ally of Henry II.), got the Castle of Carrechova by Oswestrie and wasted it". [3] The non-mention in the Pipe-Roll of 1161, of any specific expenses at Carrechova, seems to bear out this story. The Sheriff only charges a gross sum of 90. 9s. 10d. as the cost of the works and service of the King, and the liveries of his Servientes. In 1165 the Sheriff charges 4. lls. 8d. for the liveries of 110

[1] Florence Wigorn, Vol. II. pp. 49, 50.
[2] Vide Ducange, sub voce.
[3] Powers Welsh Chronicle (Edition of 1584), page 160.


Servientes during the quarter ending at Christmas 1164; but for the three quarters ending Michaelmas 1165 he not only charges several such general items, but a specific one of 20s. expended on the Mill of Carrecoen. I suppose that King Henry was again in possession of Carreghova, but we hear nothing more, for 29 years, as to any expenditure on its Castle or Garrison.

At Michaelmas 1194, King Richard had been more than four months in Normandy. Archbishop Hubert was acting as Viceroy of England. John le Strange of Ness, and Ralph le Strange of Alveley, were Castellans of Carreghova, and the silver-mines of the district had now been worked more than three months for the Crown, under the superintendence of one Joseph, a Clerk of the Archbishop. This preamble will explain the following charges made by the Sheriff of Shropshire in the Pipe-Roll of 1194.- Et Josepho Clerico Archiepiscopi 71s. 4d. de liberacione sua de 108 diebus, scilicet 8d. in die, per breve Regis. [1] Et pro 20 ligonibus, emptis et missis ad Castrum de Karakawain per idem breve Regis. Et in operacione Cingli circa predictum Castrum 20 per idem breve. Et in liberacione militum et servientum ad custodian minarie de Karekawain 28. 2s. 5d. per breve Regis et per testimonium Johannis et Radulfi Extraneorum et Josephi Clerici Archiepiscopi. The charges on the Pipe-Roll of 1195 are still better worth attention, as bearing upon a piece of contemporary history. They are as follows.- Et servientibus retentis apud Karrecovan ad custodiam minarie 4. 14s. 11d. per breve Archiepiscopi. Et Radulfo Extraneo 20 ad perficiendum cinglum circa Ruilium de Karrecovan. Et ipsi Radulfo 7, pro 70 crennoc' frumenti, et 4 pro 50 bacon', qui liberati fuerunt ei ad custodiam Castri de Karrecovan, per breve ejusdem Archiepiscopi. Et pro servientibus retentis ad custodian ejusdem Castri 40s., per breve ejusdem Archiepiscopi. Et Godefrido Ruffo et duobus sociis suis 15s. ad liberaciones suas pro residentia sua de 15 diebus apud idem Castellum per breve Regis ejusdem Archiepiscopi. [2] Et Johanni Extraneo 6 marcas ad faciendum puteum in predicto Castello cum muro et Ruillio. I refer to former pages to show how it was that a portion of the above expenses and trusts were charged in the name of Ralph le Strange, and another portion in that of John le Strange. [3] The latter had succeeded the former as Castellan of Carreghova, because the former

[1] The arithmetic is for 107 days.
[2] These two words are underlined, but I think it was the word Regis which was intended to be cancelled.
[3] Supra, Vol. III. page 130; and Vol. IX. page 311.


was sick; and we know that about Midsummer 1195 Ralph le Strange had died.

I have quoted, under Albright-lee, [1] a Deed which passed on May 10, 1195, but which is dated "on the Vigil of the Ascension which fell next after the Castle of Karrechove was surrendered by the Welsh to the King, through the agency of the Lord (Archbishop) of Canterbury". This almost proves that during the spring of the year in which the above charges accrued on the Pipe-Roll, Carreghova Castle had been won and lost by the Welsh. Archbishop Hubert's presence in the West at this period is not recorded by the Chroniclers, Welsh or English. We know from better authority that he was at Lichfield on June 3, and at York o June 11, 1195. Such a course of movement is quite consistent with the supposition that he had previously fought a campaign on the Borders. His siege of Powys Castle in September 1196 was another feat of the same class.

Appended to the Pipe-Roll of 1195 is a curious account of receipts and expenditure by Joseph Aaron, the Archbishop's Clerk, before mentioned.- He had received 20. 11s. 1d., the issues of the mines of Karacovein; that is, between June 24, 1194, and May 21, 1195, he had received 18. 3s. 5d. from that source, and since the latter date and up to August 1, 1195, he had received 2. 7s. 8d. on like account. [2] He had further received 2. 0s. 2d. de proficuo cambii, which I take to mean the profits of minting the specie yielded by the mines; and he had had a loan of 40 from the Sheriff of Worcestershire. [3] Joseph Aaron's outgoings were 2. 1s. 1d. (being a tenth of the recent produce of the mines) paid to the Archbishop, to whom the King had granted such a percentage; also 8. 4s., paid to Godfrey Rufus and his mounted Servientes (being 4d. per day to each man and horse for 164 days); also 20s. presented to the said band by the King's order; also 10. 14s. to Joseph, the Clerk of the Mines (being his own livery for 321 days at 8d. per day); also 5s. paid to Roger, Geoffrey, and William, three Miners (being a present from the Archbishop, directed by the King); also 16. 14s., paid to Master Robert de Salop, who had acted as Custos of the above Mines and of the money-change at

[1] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 247.
[2] The accuracy of these receipts was verified by Yvo Polcier, Baldwin de Uplandeis, Martin Rufus, Hugh de Horton, Robert do Baskerville and Heming Sheakeli.
[3] This 40 was originally lent for two specific purposes, via. 20 to buy the mine (ad emendam minam), and 20 to establish a Money-change at Karrocanein. The Officer's actual expenses do not involve either item.


Shrewsbury; lastly, 23. 6s. paid to the Archbishop by his own order, and for which the Archbishop was answerable. Finally, the Accountant debits himself with a balance of 7s. 2d.

The unprofitable issue of King Richard's mining experiment at Carreghova probably dictated its suspension. I should suppose that some silver coins of that Monarch might be found with a Shrewsbury mint-mark, but I am unable to certify such a discovery.

We have seen that on August 2nd, 1212, Robert de Vipont, being besieged in Mathraval Castle by the Welsh, was rescued by King John in person. [1] Within the next 4 days, this Officer undertook the custody of the four Castles of Oswestry, Chirk, Carrechova, and Eggelawe; and William Briwere, Peter fitz Herbert, Alan and Thomas Basset, John Marescall, and Thomas de Erdinton accepted, on the King's behalf, De Vipont's undertaking. [2] At Michaelmas 1212 the Sheriff of Shropshire charges the King for certain outlays, incurred in rescuing the Castles of Haliwell and Madrael, and for certain military works at Karracove and Madrael. [3] On June 10, I213, King John orders Robert de Vipont to deliver up Carrecova Castle to the custody of John le Strange; and John Marescall was to see that this was done. A third Patent, addressed to John le Strange himself, appoints him Castellon of Carracova during the King's pleasure. After this I can find no more about the Castle or Mines of Carreghova. The former I take to have been dismantled or destroyed during the Welsh wars of Henry III. If it be indeed certain that the territory, called Kahercohou in the Feodary of 1272, was the district round Carrechova Castle, its annexation to the Walcheria of Oswestry was perhaps partial or ill defined. If the last John fitz Alan held it of the Crown (as probably he did), it must have been so held by some tenure, less absolute and free than that which secured the prescriptive immunities of the Hundred of Oswestry.

[1] Supra, Vol. I. p. 269.
[2] Rot. Litt. Claus. Vol. I. p. 132.
[3] Et in liberacione 1000 servientum peditum et 40 equitum per VI dies, et in custo posite ad rescucienda Castella de Haliwell (et) Madrael 100 li. per breve Regis. Et in operacione Castellorum de Karracove et Madrael 50 marcae per idem breve.


Weston and Weston Cotton.

THESE two places now constitute a township of Oswestry. In Domesday they are described, I think, as a single Manor, held by Rainald the Sheriff.- Isdem Rainaldus tenet Westune. Seuuardus tenuit tempore Regis Edwardi. Ibi una hida, geldabilis. Terra est III carucis. In dominio sunt II carucae et IIII bovarii; et IIII Waleis cum I caruca; et reddunt IIII solidos. Totum valet X solidos. Et haec wasta fuerunt. [1] The latter words of this extract relate to the two Manors of Melverley and Westune, at the time when Rainald, obtained them.

We have seen that a Feodary of 1272 mentions Weston and Coton as two Manors within the Walcheria of Oswestry. I suppose the two to have formed the one district now under notice, for Weston-Rhyn seems to be alluded to in the same Record as a distinct vill.

I have little more to say of Weston and Weston Cotton than to quote a few Deeds from the Haughmond Chartulary, which relate to one or both localities, and which show that, as in the time of Rainald Vicecomes, so under the Fitz Alans, the principal Tenants here were Welshmen.- "Ithel ab Theuet gave to St. John's Hospitel at Oswestry four acres of land in the field of Weston. Witnesses,- William the Steward, William le Bret, Einion ab Canan, Meiler Gohc, William Stut". "Idenerth, son of Daniel, gave one acre in Weston to the same Hospital. Witnesses,- Sir Richard de Leighton, Constable (of Oswestry), Eynon, son of Keno". "Wrono Seis gave to the same hospital 1 acres in the field of Weston. Witnesses,- William the Steward, William le Bretost". "John, son of Wrono Seys, confirmed the last Deed, after his Father's death. Witnesses,- Thomas de Rossale Steward (of Oswestry), William le Bret". "Einion Vachan gave one acre in Weston to the same Hospital. Witness,- William le Bret". "Wronou, son of Eynon Vachan, gave, for 2s., to the same Hospital, a seylion under the fountain, in the fields of Weston. Witnesses,- William, son of Richard, son of Basil; William, his brother". "Yvan Ywit, son of Thuder Goch of Weston, sold, for 5s. 4d., to the same

[1] Domesday, fo. 255, a, 1.


Hospital, 2 acres in the fields of Weston. Witnesses,- William, clerk of Oswestry; Madoc, son of John; Kenwric Seys; Jevan, son of Wronou".


Isdem Rainaldus tenet Tibetune. Uluiet tenuit T.R.E. Ibi I hida. Terra est II carucis. Ibi II Walenses habent I carucam et reddunt IIII solidos. Haec duo Maneria (Meresbroc et Tibetune) wasta fuerunt, ut multa alia. [1]

The Manor thus described in Domesday is now lost, having first subsided into a mere member of Oswestry. It was probably near Maesbrook. It was existent in 1272, and was then, under the name of Tibeton, accounted one of the Vills which formed the Walcheria of Oswestry.

Weston Rhyn and St. Martin's.

WESTON RHYN seems to have been, at Domesday, the caput of an extensive Manor. Isdem Rainaldus tenet Westone. Seuuardus tenuit. Ibi V hidae, geldabiles, cum V Berewichis. Terra est XV carucis. Ibi IIt Walenses cum II carucis. De hac terra tenet Robertus I hidam, et ibi habet I carucam cum III Villanis. Wastum fuit et wastum (Rainaldus) invenit. Valet modo X solidos. [1]

Bron-y-Garth and Ifton Rhyn may be taken as two of the five Berewicks of Weston. Some other places within the present Parish of St. Martin probably constituted the other three. In 1272 Weston Rhyn, Ifton Rhyn, Bron-y-garth, and Wigginton, which were all in St. Martin's Parish, were accounted as vills within the Walcheria of Oswestry. As to St. Martin's itself, it was at first an ecclesiastical, rather than a manorial, foundation. It was, in short, a Chapel of Oswestry Church, founded in the Manor of Weston Rhyn,

[1] Domesday, fo. 254, b, 2.


before the reign of Henry II. This we know from William fitz Alan's Confirmation of Oswestry Church to Salop Abbey, which Confirmation (passing within the first six years of Henry II's reign) specifies the Chapel of Martines-Cherch as an affiliation of Oswestry. It would seem that there was a large glebe attached to St. Martin's Chapel, which glebe, when the Monks of Shrewsbury obtained an appropriation of Oswestry Church, passed to their demesne. During some Border disturbance (between 1236 and 1270) this glebe was seized by certain Welshmen, whose names are given as Lowend fitz Rigered, David fitz Lewelyn, Meyler fitz Wyon, Ydenevet fitz Rees, Oweyn fitz Eynd, Eynon fitz Wylim, Ouwayn Ochhan, Eynon fitz Griffin, Kenewrec fitz Mayler, Kenewrech Vahhan, and Kenewrech fitz Adam. These eleven persons afterwards joined in a Quitclaim or surrender to Shrewsbury Abbey, wherein they renounced all right in any land belonging to the Church of Martines-chirch, and acknowledge that they had sometime occupied such land by their own presumption (propria temeritate). This Quitclaim was attested by Sir Griffin fitz Madoc, Lord of Bromefeld, Sir Howel his brother, and Eynon fitz Griffin. [1]

Towards the close of Henry III.'s reign, one Lleucu, son of Owen, son of Goronw, made considerable purchases at St. Martin's and Ifton, either on behalf of Anian (II), Bishop of St. Asaph, or with a view of making them over to that See. A list of these purchases is perhaps worth transcribing.- From Griffin ap Gronw, 3 acres at Iston, and 11 acres and a small meadow at Martinchurch; from Kenwric Vachan, 4 acres, and from Kenwric Du, 5 acres, at Iston; from David fitz Llewelin, a messuage and 4 acres at Martinchurch and in the fields thereof; from Llewarch ap Enin Mared, 3 acres at Iston, opposite the house of Owen fitz Goronw; of Goronw fitz Maredut, 6 acres at Martinchurch; of Gruffud ap Kenwrig, one acre, commonly called Llindir Menedus; of Goronw gam fitz Maredut, one acre at Martinchurch; of William ap Betris, one acre; of Kenwric Parvus and Gruffud his brother, sons of Kenwric, 8 acres; of Kenwric ap Llewelin, one messuage near the cemetery of Martinchurch; of Kenwric Vachan, 3 acres in the corner near the Mill; of Griffin ap Goronw, 2 acres at Iston; of John Goch, son of Llewelyn, 2 acres at Martinchurch, viz. one in the Mill-corner; another near the said Lleucu's own house, with part of a messuage near the cemetery; of Anian fitz Goronw, two crofts over the hill (desuper clivum) of Iston; of David Du, son of Llewelin, 2 acres at Martinchurch,

[1] Salop Chartulary, No. 368-f.


in the Mill-corner; of Griffin fitz Wronow, of Merton, a messuage, with 4 crofts circumjacent; and of William fitz Philip, one orchard, near the house of the Recluse of Martinchurch.

By Deed dated at Album Monasterium, on April 6, 1271, John fitz Alan (III), "Lord of Arundel", conceded the above purchases to Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, and his successors for ever; they paying a pair of gilt spurs, yearly, on the feast-day of St. John Baptist, at Oswestry Castle, in lieu of all services; and every future Bishop being debarred from alienating the said lands, or any part thereof, from the Church of St. Asaph. [1]

In 1272, as before noticed, Anian, Bishop of St. Asaph, acquired for his See all the land which Shrewsbury Abbey had at Martinchurch. [2] About 1285-90, Richard fitz Alan not only confirmed his father's concession to the See of St. Asaph, but granted to the Bishop and his successors 44 acres of land at Martinchurch, and the site of the Manor, and of the House thereto pertaining. [3]

The Taxation of 1291 is not very clear as to the value of this Episcopal estate at St. Martin's. I infer it to estimate 2 carucates and 3 bovates of land and other advantages, which the Bishop of St. Asaph had at St. Martin's and St. Leonard's, at 21. 6s. 8d. per annum. The perquisites (that is, the Court-Fines) of the said two vills were put at 1 more. [4]

The Valor of 1534-5 erroneously places the Bishop of St. Asaph's Manor of St. Martin in Flintshire. It was then at farm, for a rent of 20s. payable to the Bishop. [5]

CHURCH OF ST. MARTIN'S. As regards the Advowson and appropriation of this Chapel, both were implied in the patronage and appropriation which the Monks of Shrewsbury had of the Mother Church of Oswestry. In 1291 the Rectory of St. Martin's was valued at 6 per annum, the Vicarage at 3. 6s. 8d. [6] The Church, like Oswestry, was in the Deanery of Marchia.

In the year 1301 the Abbot and Convent of Shrewsbury demised one autumn's tithes of Martinchurch to the Bishop of St. Asaph for the large sum of 40 merks, [7] which shows how fraudulent the return of 1291 must have been.

About 1490 the Abbot of Shrewsbury's Rectorial tithes at Martinchurch were valued at 16 per annum. [8] In the Valor of 1534

[1] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fo. 25-b.
[2] Supra, page 341.
[3] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fo. 42-b.
[4] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 288-b.
[5] Valor Eccles. IV. 433.
[6] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 285-a.
[7] Liber Ruber Assavensis, fo. 39-a.
[8] Hist. Shrewsbury, II. 509.


the Abbot returned the same tithes as being at farm for 10 per annum. [1] The contemporary Return of Benefices in the Deanery of Marchia makes no mention of St. Martin's,- neither of the Rectory nor the Vicarage.


THIS place is combined in Domesday with another called Aitone, which was probably adjacent, but is now lost.- Isdem Rainaldus tenet Mortune et Aitone. Seuuardus tenuit pro II Maneriis. Ibi V hidae. Terra est VIII carucis. Ibi V homines habent II carucas. Ibi parva landa silvae. Wastum fuit. Modo reddit LXIIII denarios. [2]

Moreton was one of those Domesday Manors which eventually went to constitute the Chatellany or Fee of Knockyn; a Fee which in Henry III.'s time was wholly held by Le Strange of Ness and Cheswardine. But part of the said Fee was held immediately under Fitz Alan, part under the heirs of Guy le Strange of Alveley (who held under De Haughton, who held under Fitz Alan), and part under de Haughton (who held under Fitz Alan). To which of these three constituents of the Fee of Knockyn we should annex Moreton I cannot determine. There is no evidence that there was any Lord of Moreton, mediate between Fitz Alan and Le Strange of Ness. We may, therefore, most reasonably assume that it was part of the Fief of new Feoffment which William fitz Alan (I) bestowed on John le Strange (I) or on his brother Hamo. In either case its hereditary descent would be to Le Strange of Ness; and that family certainly held it for ages. John de Morton, who has been seen attesting various Deeds about 1250-5, [3] was perhaps Le Strange's Under-Tenant in this member of Knockin.

Between the years 1269 and 1275, John le Strange (IV) mortgaged the vill of Moreton to Rese ap Griffin for 120 merks, 100 of which were repaid during the said John's lifetime, in the shape of a Destrier, worth 80 merks, and a Palfrey, worth 20 merks. The mortgage was therefore paid off, all but 20 merks, when King Edward, addressing himself to the affairs of the Border, found the vill in the hands of Rese ap Griffin, and therefore confiscated it. John

[1] Valor Eccles. III. 189.
[2] Domesday, fo. 254, b, 2.
[3] Supra, pp. 53, 105, 138, 147, 155.


le Strange (V), succeeding in 1276, of course claimed the estate. The King, by a Writ dated at Worcester on January 25, 1277, ordered an Inquest to be taken before John de Vescy and Oto de Grandison as to whether Le Strange had a jus repetendi. The Jurors did not answer this question of law, but stated the above facts, and added that the vill was worth 20s. per annum. A memorandum, indorsed on the Inquest, intimates that the King would reply to Le Strange's petition on his return from Wales. [1]

A Feodary of 1397-8 expressly names Morton as part of the 2 fees which John le Strange of Knokyn then held in the Barony of Fitz Alan. [2] Other Feodaries, which make mention of Knokyn only as thus held, must be taken to include Moreton.

MORETON CHAPEL, whenever founded, will have been an affiliation of the Church of Oswestry, but I find no mention of such a Chapel down to the time of Henry VIII.

Osbaston and Kynaston.

THESE were two Manors in Saxon times, but were united at Domesday.- Isdem Rainaldus tenet Sbernestune et Chimerestun. Seuuard et Aluui tenuerunt pro duobus Maneriis. Ibi II hidae. Terra est VI carucis. Ibi II leuuae silvae. Wasta fuerunt et sunt. [3]

Osbaston, here described, must be taken to have included the territory afterwards called Knockyn, and Kynaston must be taken to have included Dovaston. It appears that Rainald's successors, the Fitz Alans, again separated the two Manors which Domesday had made one. They enfeoffed the Haughtons in Osbaston, and they enfeoffed the first John le Strange, or his brother Hamo, [4] in Kynaston.

Following for the present the history of Osbaston only, I need not dwell on the subject of its first Feoffees, the Haughtons. I have sketched their descent and given some account of their Shropshire tenures under Cleobury North, and Withington. [5] A Chief of this family, about the time of Henry IL's accession, unwilling

[1] Inquis. 5 Edw. I., No. 60.
[2] Calend. Inquis. Vol. III. p. 223.
[3] Domesday, fo. 255, a, 1.
[4] Compare Vol. VIII. p. 8.
[5] Supra, Vol. III. pp. 25-29; Vol. VIII. pp 76-80.


perhaps to encumber himself with an estate on the Borders, seems to have given Osbaston to Hamo le Strange. The said Hamo died within five years after Henry II. became King, and, leaving no lawful issue, his eldest surviving brother, John, became his heir-at-law. However, by some arrangement, before or soon after Hamo le Strange's death, Osbaston passed to the second brother, Guy le Strange, and Guy is said by tradition to have founded Knockyn Castle. Thus I understand the site of Knockyn Castle to have been originally in the Manor of Osbaston; but a Castle, wherever founded, naturally became the caput of the Manor which included it; so that thenceforth we hear little of Osbaston, but much of Knockyn.

Shortly before his death, and so about the year 1179, "Guido Extraneus gave to Haughmond Abbey the Mill of Osbertune together with its site. Witnesses,- Ralph, the Grantor's son; Adam, son of Hamo Extraneus; Simon de Petriponte, and William, Clerk". [1] Ralph le Strange, son and heir of Guy, certainly succeeded him at Knockyn. He came of age about 1182, and died, without issue, in the summer of 1195. He probably founded Knockyn Chapel. At all events we have a deed whereby "Radulphus Extraneus gave and confirmed to Haghmon Abbey, for the souls of his Father and ancestors, and the health of himself and his successors, the right of patronage of the Chapel of Knokin, with its appurtenances, for ever. Witnesses,- William fitz Alan, John le Strange, William le Strange, and Jonas, Chaplain". [2]

On Ralph le Strange's death, in 1195, it seems to have been partly a question of expediency whether a frontier-fortress, like Knockyn, could remain advantageously as a matter of Coparcenery between his three sisters and coheirs, and partly a question of law whether the right heir of Hamo le Strange (the original Feoffee of De Haughton) was not John le Strange (II) of Ness and Cheswardine. Both questions seem further to have been settled amicably, the three coheiresses of Ralph le Strange, as well as their husbands, agreeing to resign the territory of Knockin, for valuable considerations, to their Cousin, John le Strange (II). The three Fines by which this transfer was effected are very remarkable documents, and must be given at some length. The first passed at Westminster, on January 27, 1197, and was between the said John of the one part, and Margery, sister of the late Ralph le Strange, and her husband of the other part. It runs as follows.-

[1] [2] Haughmond Chartulary, fos. 145, 131.


Hec est finalis concordia facta in curia domini Regis apud Westm', die lune proxima ante Purificacionem Beate Marie anno regni Regis Ricardi VIIIvo coram H. Cantuar. Archiepiscopo, Ricardo Elyensi Archidiacono, etc.; inter Johannem Extraneum petentem et Thomam Noel et Margeriam uxorem ejus tenentes de tercia parte terre de Knokyn, unde assisa de morte antecessoris summonita fuit inter illos in prefata Curia;- videlicet quod praefati Thomas et Margeria recognoverunt et reddiderunt totam terciam partem terre de Knokyn predicte cum pertinenciis suis, sicut contingebat prefate Margerie in porcione sua sororum, prefato Johanni;- tenendam ei et heredibus suis de prenominatis Thoma et Margeria et heredibus eorum, faciendo inde duodecimam partem unius militis pro omni servicio, et warantizabunt illam partem prefato Johanni et heredibus suis, versus omnes homines praeter Walenses, vel escambium eis facient de XX solidatis terre de terris suis in Salopsir'. Et pro hoc fine et concordia dedit prefatus Johannes predictis Tome et Margerie totas terras suas de Myxle et de Bradehope, [1] cum omnibus pertinenciis illarum terrarum, sibi et heredibus suis (tenendas) de prefato Johanne et heredibus suis pro duodecima parte servicii unius militis, pro omni servicio et exaccione. Et prefatus Johannes et heredes sui warantizabunt predictis Tome et Margerie, et heredibus eorum, predictas terras, vet excambium eis facient de XXX solidatis terre in terris suis de Norfolk. [2]

The second Fine, levied at Westminster, on Feb. 1st, 1197, concerned Juliana, another of Ralph le Strange's sisters, and her share of Knockyn. It runs as follows.-

Hec est finalis concordia, etc., apud Westm', die sabbati proxima post Conversionem Sti. Pauli anno regni Regis Ricardi VIIIvo coram H. Cantuar' Archiepiscopo, etc.;- inter Johannem Extraneum petentem et Ricardum de Wappenburi et Julianam Extraneam uxorem suam tenentes, de tercia parte terre de Knokin, que (Juliana) Ricardum virum suum posuit in loco suo ad lucrandum vel perdendum; unde assisa de morte antecessoris summonita fuit inter eos in predicta Curia;- scilicet quod predicti Ricardus et Juliana remiserunt et quiet'- clamaverunt predicto Johanni Extraneo totum jus et clamium suum quod habuerunt in predicta tercia parte terre de Knokin, de ipsis et heredibus, sibi et heredibus suis inperpetuum. Et

[1] Mixen and Bradenhope, in Staffordshire, afterwards given by Margery le Strange, widow of Thomas Noel, to Henry de Audley. How John le Strange became possessed of these lands I do not know.
[2] Suppose at Hunstanston, or Holm, or Lytcham, or in some other of John le Strange's many Norfolk manors.


pro hoc fine et concordia et quiet'-clamantia predictus Johannes Extraneus fecit illis escambium XX solidatarum terre de terra sua in Gesewde. [1] Et si terram illam eis warantizare non poterit, tunc faciet eis escambium ad valenciam XXX solidatarum de terra sua in Norfolk. Et predictus Ricardus et Juliana uxor et heredes sui warantizabunt predictam terciam partem terre de Knokin predicto Johanni et heredibus suis contra omnes homines, preter Walenses; et, si terram eandem de Knokin non poterunt warantizare ipsi Johanni, tunc dabunt illi XXX solidatas terre de hereditate sua in Salop'. [2] Et predictus Johannes vel heredes sui facient predicto Ricardo et heredibus suis servicium duodecime partis feudi unius militis de terra sua de Knokin. Et predictus Ricardus et heredes sui facient predicto Johanni et heredibus suis servicium duodecime partis feudi unius militis de terra sua quam dedit ei in escambium in Gesewrd.

John le Strange seems to have had greater difficulty in dealing with Matilda, the other coheiress of Ralph le Strange, whose husband, Griffin ap Gervase Gohc, was a Welshman. The Fine levied between these respective parties was not enrolled till January 11, 1198, when Archbishop Hubert, Viceroy of England, happened to be at Shrewsbury, returning from a Welsh expedition which he had undertaken in behalf of David ap Owen, the dethroned Prince of North Wales. This Fine runs as follows.-

Hec est finalis concordia, facta in Curia domini Regis apud Salopbir', die dominica proxima post Epiphaniam Domini, anno regni Regis Ricardi nono, coram Domino H. Cantuar' Archiepiscopo, Comite Rogero le Bigot, Gaufrido filio Petri, Gaufrido de Bocland et aliis, inter Johannem Extraneum petentem, et Griffinum filium Gervasii Gohk et Matildam uxorem suam, tenentes, de tercia parte feodi unius militis in Knukin, unde recognicio fuit summonita inter eos in predicta curia de morte Hamonis Extranei avunculi predicti Johannis;- scilicet quod predicti Griffinus et Matilda uxor sua reddiderunt et quiet'-clamaverunt de se et heredibus suis predicto Johanni et heredibus suis, integre, totam terram predictam cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, sicut jus et hereditatem suam in perpetuum. Et pro hoc fine et concordia et quiet'-clammancia, predictus Johannes dedit eisdem Griffino et Matilde totam villam de Dovaneston et totam villam de Kineverdeston, [3] integre cum omnibus pertinenciis, tenendas sibi et

[1] Gesewde.- I cannot tell where this estate of John le Strange was.
[2] Suppose at Alveley or Weston.
[3] Dovaston and Kynaston, which would thus appear to be John le Strange's, either in his own right, or as the unquestioned heir of his Uncle Hamo; not by any negotiation with Guy le Strange's heirs.


heredibus suis, pros idem Griffinus de Matilda suscipiet, de ipso Johanne et heredibus suis inperpetuum pro servicio duodecime partis unius militis pro omni servicio. Si autem idem Griffinus de ipsa Matilda non habuerit heredem, tunc predicta terra de Dovaneston et Kineverdeston integre ad ipsum Johannes et heredes suos revertetur.

This Fine is indorsed as follows.- He recogniciones per manum Gaufridi de Bocland anno regni Regis Ricardi boni nono; in octabis Purificacionis; que fuerunt facta (sic) in itinere Archiepiscopi in Walliam ad deliberandum David Regem Walliae. [1]

By the above three Fines did John le Strange (II), "of Ness and Cheswardine" become "of Knockyn" also. I must here quote a Charter of his (though it properly belongs to Knockyn Chapel) because it shows that he styles himself "Lord of Knokin", and because it shows that his Feoffee at Kynaston and Dovaston (viz. Griffin Gohc) styled himself "of Kinerton"- As Johannes Extraneus dominus de Knokin, he bids all his vassals and friends greeting, and informs them that "he has given, etc., to Haughmon Abbey the New Chapel of Knokin, with the ground whereon it was built, and with free access thereto (itinere), and with all its appurtenances and obventions. Witnesses,- Sir Hamo, the Grantor's brother, and Griffin de Kinerton". [2] This Deed may safely be dated between 1197 and 1200.

The Stranges of Ness and Knockyn gradually amassed, round the Castle of Knokyn, an extent of territory which made them formidable to their own Suzerains, the Fitz Alans; but it must be remembered that they held Knockyn and Osbaston, not immediately under Fitz Alan, but, strictly speaking, under the heirs of Ralph le Strange, who held under De Haughton, who held under Fitz Alan. On July 1, 1250, a suit was pending between John fitz Alan (II) and John le Strange (III). The former questioned the right of the latter to establish a Fair and Market at Knokyn, thereby injuring the Market and Fair of Blancmunster. John le Strange neither appeared on this occasion, nor on an adjourned day in Michaelmas Term. An attachment issued from Westminster against him, and his previous Sureties (Thomas Chipenol and Hugh de Clone) were ordered to be increased. In Michaelmas Term 1251, John fitz Alan makes Thomas de Ettingham, or Geoffrey de Vere, his Attorneys in this suit. The result I cannot find, but we here have a second proof that, in respect of Fairs and Markets, Fitz Alan's

[1] The allusion is to this Fine and to another of January 14, 1198, quoted under Aston Burnell (Vol. VI. p. 123).
[2] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 132.


prerogative in Oswestry Hundred was acknowledged by himself to be less than absolute, nay, entirely subject to the common-law of England. [1]

In 1272, when the services of the Knights'-fees of Fitz Alan's Barony were divided between the Crown and Isabella de Mortimer, it is worth observing that Isabel's share included 2 fees, held by John le Strange, in Ruyton, Middle, and elsewhere, and also "half a fee held by Robert de Holton in Knokin and Knythele" (Knightley, Staffordshire). This proves that the Haughtons still maintained their mesne status at Knockyn, though perhaps it implied no advantage whatever. Again, according to the Inquest taken in 1276, after the death of John le Strange (IV), the Jurors found that he had held the Manor of Knokin under the heirs of Robert de Halhtone, but by what service the Jurors knew not. They valued the said Manor of Knokin at 20 per annum, while the Walcheria attached thereto was estimated to yield 30 more. [2]

John le Strange (VI) seems either to have made an entail of Knockyn, using the instrumentality or trusteeship of his brother, Hamo le Strange; or else, we must understand that Knockyn had been devised to Hamo, by John le Strange (V), and that Hamo gave it up to his elder brother in exchange for Hunstanston. [3] Be this as it may, on the death of John le Strange (VI), in 1311, the Inquest found that he had held the Manor of Knokyn conjointly with Isolda his wife, they having acquired it from Hamo le Strange, to hold to themselves and their bodily heirs. They held it "under Thomas de Halghton, without rendering any service except homage". The Inquest further states that Knokyn Castle was of no value beyond the cost of its maintenance. The Jurors valued the Manor at 7. 5s. 4d. per annum, viz. 5 of annual rent; half a merk coming from Knokyn bridge (from the tolls levied there); 3s. 4d. from Pleas and perquisites of Court; and the remainder from 100 acres of arable land, and 2 acres of meadow-land (held in demesne), and from a water-mill. [4]

A Feodary of 21 Richard II. (1397-8) makes John le Strange of Knokyn immediate tenant of 2 knights'-fees under Fitz Alan, which two fees included Northslepe, Kynaston, Dovaston, Maesbrook, Moreton, Knokyn, and Osbaston. [5] It is both possible and probable that ere this the mesne tenures of De Haughton, and of Ralph le

[1] Vide supra, p. 328.
[2] Inqusitions, 4 Edw. I., No. 38.
[3] Vide supra, p. 279, note 3.
[4] Inquis. 4 Edw. II. No. 34.
[5] Printed Calendar of Inquisitions Volume III. page 223.


Strange's coheirs, had been altogether effaced, as regarded Knockyn and Osbaston. If to the seven places named in this Inquest we add Melverley, we shall probably have a near estimate of what constituted the "Fee of Knockyn" in Richard II.'s reign.


I have shown that this Chapel was perhaps founded by Ralph le Strange, but certainly given by him to Haughmond Abbey about 1190-95. A Norman door in the Chancel of Knockyn Church is architectural evidence in favour of an antiquity at least as early as the reign of Richard I.

There was at this time, and perhaps two centuries before, a Church at Kinnerley. Its Parish was extensive, including Knockyn, Osbaston, Kynaston, and Dovaston. The three latter places still remain in Kinnerley Parish, but the foundation of a Chapel at Knockyn, at length made it an independent Parish. This, as we shall see, was not without some opposition and qualification in the first instance. It would seem that, before or immediately after Ralph le Strange's grant to Haughmond, the respective Rectors of Kinnerley and Knockyn were at issue about tithes. Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, settled their dispute in a Charter which certainly passed before 1197. This Charter, abbreviated, runs as follows.- Reinerus Episcopus confirmavi convencionem factam inter ecclesiam de Kinardesley et Capellam de Knokin et earum personas, videlicet quod Persona de Knokin tenebit omnes decimas de Knokin et de Norslepe, tam in novalibus quam aliis terris quecunque continentur intra divisas de Knokin et de Norslepe, et omnes obvenciones earundem villarum prater sepulturam et medietatem testamenti, annuatim solvendo XIId. predicte ecclesie de Kinardesleg in festo Sancte Brigide. Ut itaque hec convencio, etc. etc., eam, etc., roboravimus. His testibus, Prioribus de Wombruge et de Ronton, Abraam Presbytero, Fulcone filio Warini, et Ricardo fratre ejus. [1]

Between the years 1204 and 1210, Reyner, Bishop of St. Asaph, granted and confirmed Knockin Chapel to Haghmon Abbey, "according to the Deed and concession of Ralph le Strange, Lord of the Fee". The Bishop further granted the said Chapel to the Abbey's proper uses, "for the support of the brethren and of the poor, and for the entertainment of guests". In other words, he allowed an appropriation of the Chapel, and, as his Charter states, he invested Ralph, Abbot of Haghmon, as representative of his

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 131.


Abbey, in the said Chapels but, at the same time, he subjected the Abbey to the payment of the above mentioned pension of 12d. to the "Mother Church of Kinardleg". Witnesses,- William fitz Alan, John le Strange, and Hamo, his brother. [1]

About 40 years after this, either the Knights Hospitallers, being Patrons of Kinnerley Church, revived the old dispute about the tithes of Knokin, or the Canons of Haughmond claimed the tithes of Osbaston as well as those of Knokin. Their differences were referred to Papal arbitration, and the Pope commissioned the Priors of St. Alban's and Dunstable, and the Archdeacon of St. Alban's, to settle the question. These Judges delegate gave sentence on June 1, 1248. They recited how the "Prior and Brethren of the Hospital of Jerusalem in England" had impleaded the Abbot of Haghman for the great and small tithes of Knokyn Chapel, which the former claimed to belong to the Mother-Church of Kinardley. They further recited how Brother Thomas, Master of the Hospitallers of North and South Wales, had appeared before the Commission as representative of his Order, and had agreed to the following terms with the Abbot of Haghmon.- "The Abbot released and gave up to Brother Thomas certain instruments concerning Kinnerley Church which had been obtained by his Convent: the Abbot also surrendered the tithes and the principale legatum of the whole land of Osberneston. In turn, Brother Thomas released to the Abbot all the tithes in dispute, except those of Osberneston, and released all the principale legatum of all Parishioners of the vill of Knokin. The Abbot further allowed that, annually, on the day of St. Brigida the Virgin, the Parishioners of Knokin should attend the Mother-Church of Kynardeleg with their oblations. On the above considerations, and on the payment of 12d. yearly to Kynardeleg Church, the Prior and Brethren of the Hospitallers renounced all further dispute". The Commissioners confirmed this agreement, and sealed it in the presence, and at the request, of Master John de Kna, Proctor of the Hospitallers, and of Brother Alexander, Canon of Haghmon, Proctor of the Abbot.

Between the years 1249 and 1266, or else between the years 1268 and 1293, "Matthew Chaplain, John fitz Enee, Kenewric Rufus, Joseph Parvus, Madoc fitz David, Cadugan Du, and Eynon Gam, Clerk of Kinardeleg, release to Haghmon Abbey the tithes of

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 131.-

The Scribe who wrote and rubricated the Haughmond Chartulary seems to have entirely misunderstood the sequence and relative bearings of the above two Deeds and of those which follow.


a certain field, called Burgeisefelde, near Knokin, about which tithes there had been a dispute in the Episcopal Court. The witnesses of this release were, Sir A., Bishop of St. Asaph; Master Adam, Official, and David, Dean.

Between the years 1284 and 1293, Anian (II), Bishop of St. Asaph, addressed the following curious Epistle to Gilbert de Kampeden, Abbot of Haghmon, relative to the Incumbency of Knockin Vicarage.- Frater Anianus, etc., Gilberto de Kampeden, etc., salutem. Quia jam notorium est et auribus nostris vehementer insonuit quod Randulphus de Solton, Capellanus, tanquam intrusor et ecclesiastice pacis violator, Vicariam de Knokin, Assavensis Dioc', vacantem nuper intravit, nullam a nobis super hoc habens auctoritatem. Et quia idem Capellanus sequestrum nostrum violavit et oblaciones nobis debitas sibi indebite appropriavit, ad quod quidem beneficium optinendum, cupiditatis et rapine vitio, jam reddidit se inhabilem et indignum;- hinc est quod vobis mandamus quatenus de alio discreto et honesto infra VIII dies a receptione presenciarum vestra provideat communitas, qui dicte Vicarie vacanti per nos posset admitti. Datum apud Sanctum Martinum VIII idus Septembris.

The Taxation of 1291 values the Church of Knwkyn (in the Deanery of Marchia and Diocese of St. Asaph) at 3. 6s. 8d. per annum. [1]

On December 13, 1297, John le Strange (V) being at Haghmon, and Abbot Gilbert having exhibited before that Baron's Council his muniments concerning Knokyn Chapel, and specially the composition with the Hospitallers, the whole were confirmed by Le Strange. On Dec. 13, 1298, John le Strange (V) expedited a more general Confirmation to Haughmond Abbey, which, though it merely touches on the subject of the Advowson of Knockyn, I give here in extenso. -Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Extraneus quintus, cartas et instrumenta quae habent viri religiosi Abbas et Conventus de Haghmon super donacionibus et possessionibus quas possident de antecessoribus meis inspexi ... que propriis duxi exprimenda vocabulis;- advocacionem ecclesie de Hunstaneston cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, advocacionem ecclesie de Cheswardin cum pertinenciis suis, advocacionem ecclesiae de Knokyn cum pertinenciis suis, molendinum de Osberston cum pertinenciis suis, molendinum de Bruera, stagnum et vivarium supra proximum, cum agistiamento aque ex utraque parte et cum omnibus partinenciis suis, Caldecotam cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, totam terram Radulphi Hert quam

[1] Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 285.


habuit in Teddesmere cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, villam de Vinelcote cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, molendinum de Ruton cum pertinenciis suis, dimidiam virgatam terre in Weblescote cum pertinenciis suis, duas virgatas terre in Baldreton cum p. s., tres acras terre in Bilemers cum p. s., totam villam de Naginton cum p. s., unam virgatam terre et dimidiam in Biriton cum p. s., molendinum et dimidiam cum dimidia virgata terre in Alvitheleg cum p. s., molendinum de Stretton super Dunnesmore cum p. s., totam terram quam habent in Cheswardin cum p. s., quandam partem prati quam habent in Muddleswode cum omnibus p. suis. Quas quidem donaciones et concessiones, ratas et firmas in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosynam, habendas ipsis omnes et singulas, pro me et heredibus meis quibuscunque, eisdem Canonicis et successoribus suis confirmo et presentis scripti testimonio sigillo meo signato corroboro et warantizabo inperpetuum. Dat' apud Le Knokyn die sabbati in festo Ste Lucie Virginis, anno gracie millesimo CCmo nonagesimo octavo, et anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici XXVIIo. [1]

By a composition, dated at Haghmon on May 28, 1310, it appears that Thomas, the Abbot's Chaplain at Knokin, had demanded the wool-tithes of all the sheep, not being the Abbot's own, which were in pasture at Caldecote-Grange. Abbot Richard now concedes one-half the Chaplain's demand, "to the end that he may more willingly support the burdens incumbent upon our chapel of Knokyn".

John le Strange (VI) gave a general Confirmation to Haughmond Abbey, dated October 10, 1310. Part of this instrument has already been set forth. In confirms also the following.- Novam capellam de Knokyn cum solo in quo edificatur, cum libero ingressu et egressu ad eam ex omni parte, cum omnibus oblacionibus, obvencionibus et suis proventibus quibuscunque:- Grangiam de Caldecote cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, cum licentia, quam do eis, sicut pater meus ante me fecit, approviandi se de tota bruera seu vasto juxta Caldecote, qualitercunque voluerint, et dictam brueram seu vastum fossato et haya includendi, et in defensa separata a quacunque communione et communa habendi et tenendi omni tempore anni, et in dictis bruera et vasto edificandi, et extradendi seu assignandi tenentibus, sicut sibi viderint expedire, prout carta patris mei loquitur.

About this time, Richard, son of Laurence de Ludlow (of whom we have heard as a Prebendary of Westbury [2]), either founded or was Incumbent of a "certain new Chapel", which was within "the

[1] Harl. MS. 449. Quatern. XI. fo. 6.
[2] Supra, Vol. VII. pp. 59, 60.


bounds and limits of the Chapelry of Knokin". This Chapel, called "the Chapel of St. John and St. David", seems to have caused a loss of certain oblations to Knockyn Chapel. The Abbot of Haughmond actually appealed to Rome on the grievance, and the Pope appointed the Prior of Chirbury to adjudicate in the matter. The Prior's only recorded step is that he sat and heard the Abbot's libel or indictment, and certified that Richard de Ludlow had not chosen to appear (comparere non curavit). [1]

On August 9, 1328 (Tuesday after the feast of St. Oswald the Martyr), Roger le Strange, "son of John le Strange the sixth", and Lord of Knokin, confirmed his father's Charter to Haughmond Abbey.

On January 11, 1330, Brother Richard de Bachesworth, "Praeceptor of the House of St. John of Jerusalem, in North Wales", certifies the right, which the Abbot of Haghmon, as Impropriator of the Parochial Chapel of Knokyn, had to the "New Chapel or Oratory of Saints John and David, situated without the said vill of Knokyn". The Praeceptor, had examined the Abbot's muniments, and now undertakes that neither he nor his Order shall molest the Abbot in respect of any right or claim to the said Oratory, which it might otherwise be competent to the Brethren of the Hospital to allege. The Abbot, in short, and his Convent, were to receive for ever all oblations and other profits resulting from the said Oratory. Witnesses,- Master Robert de Preston, Stephen de Roshale, William de Smethcote, Walter Cresset, William Godezer, and others. Dated at Salop". [2]

On July 12, 1392, John Smert, Vicar of Knockyn, exchanged Livings with Henry D'Aderley, Incumbent of Moreton Corbet. [3]

The Valor of 1534-5 gives the Rectory of Knokyng (in the Deanery of Marchia and Diocese of St. Asaph) as worth 100s. per annum. [4] It does not appear, from the Abbot of Haughmond's contemporary return, that he derived anything from this Church. We may conclude that he had abandoned, or been deprived of, his impropriate right; for the Living remains a Rectory to this day.

OF UNDERTENANTS in Osbaston and Knockyn I can add little to what has transpired above. The Abbot of Haughmond's Mill of Osbaston seems to have been afterwards called Moreton Mill. In Edward II.'s time, one Jevan Duy of Osberneston erected a second

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 132.
[2] Harl MS. 449. Quatern. XI. fo. vii.
[3] Vide supra, page 194.
[4] Valor Ecclesiasticus, IV. 449.


Mill in Osberneston, thereby injuring the Abbot's Mill in Morton. The Abbot prosecuted him in the Hundred Court of Oswestree. At a sitting of the said Court, held December 20, 1323, it was agreed that Jevan Duy should become tenant of the Abbot's M30s1at a fee-farm rent of 30s. [1]

CALDECOTE and NORSLEPE have been mentioned above under circumstances which would indicate them to have been members of Knockyn. Both places are now lost.

Of Caldecote I learn that it was given and confirmed to Haughmond Abbey by "John le Strange IV., son of John le Strange III.", and therefore given between 1269 and 1275.

In the Taxation of 1291, the Abbot of Haimon is said to have three carucates of land and a Mill, and other advantages at Neuton and Caldecot, in the Diocese of St. Asaph.- the whole worth 4. 17s. 4d. per annum. The Abbot's profits from live stock (3 cows and 200 sheep) at these places, were put at 3. 3s. [2]

John le Strange V., Lord of Knokin, confirmed Caldecote to Gilbert, Abbot of Haghmon, on Dec. 13, 1297, and again (as we have seen above) on Dec. 13, 1298. The Confirmation of John le Strange VI., dated Oct. 10, 1310, has been also cited above. Roger le Strange, in his Confirmation of August 9, 1328, mentions that his Father had released the Abbey from a rent of two wether-sheep (multones) payable annually at Caldecote, and reiterates the said release. [3]


We have seen that in January 1198, John le Strange (II) held Kynaston and Dovaston. He held them probably sine medio, under Fitz Alan, and he then enfeoffed Griffin de Sutton and his wife Matilda in both vills, retaining thereon the service of one-twelfth of a knight's-fee, and entailing the estate on the joint heirs of Griffin and Matilda, with a remainder, in default of such heirs, to himself. [4] We have also seen that Griffin de Sutton, alias Griffin ap Gervase Gohc, was styled Griffin de Kinerton, in consequence of, and within a few years after, this feoffment. [5]

The tradition that the Kynastons were descended from Griffin de Sutton, and were sometime owners of Kynaston, is strongly supported by the above observations. This matter I have before canvassed.

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 145.
[2] Pope Nich. Taxation, pp. 289-b, 290-a. The Mill was perhaps that at Osbaston.
[3] Haughmond Chartulary, fo. 42.
[4] Supra, Vol. II. p. 113, note 18.
[5] Supra, page 369.


I am still unable to show the exact mode of this descent, or to prove the descendants of Griffin de Sutton as in circumstantial possession of Kynaston. When the Feodary of 1397-8 includes Kynaston in the "Fee of Knokyn", that implies no more than that John le Strange (VIII) held it immediately of Fitz Alan. It does not imply that he held it in demesne or had no Undertenant there. As yet, therefore, this curious tradition of the descent of the Kynastons from Griffin de Sutton remains uncontradicted and probable, though not proved.


Isdem Rainaldus tenet Meresbroc. Leuenot tenuit T.R.E. Ibi II hidae. Terra est IIII carucis. Ibi est unus Walensis cum I caruca, et reddit V solidos. [1]

Of this Manor I can say no more than that it was probably one of those which William fitz Alan (I) bestowed on the first John le Strange, and that, when the son of the said John became Lord of Knockyn, Maesbrook came naturally to be reputed a member of the Fee of Knockyn, though it was really held by a different tenure. [2]


Isdem Rainaldus tenet Melverlei. Edricus tenuit T.R.E. Ibi I hida. Terra est II carucis. Ibi II Walenses habent unam carucam et reddunt XXXII denarios. [3]

Of Melverley, as part of Le Strange's feoffment under Fitz Alan, and so as eventually part of the Fee of Knockyn, I might offer the same brief account as of Maesbrook. However, the Inquest taken in 1311, on the death of John le Strange (VI), gives a distinct

[1] Domesday, fo. 254, b, 2.
[2] Vide supra, page 369.
[3] Domssday, fo. 255, a, 1.


statement as to Mulverlegh. The deceased had held it under Edmund, Earl of Arundel, at a rent of 10s. Its value to the deceased was only 3s. 4d. per annum. Like Knockyn, it had been settled on Isolda, widow of the deceased, conjointly with himself. Hamo le Strange was again the person from whom John and Isolda le Strange are said to have acquired the Vill. [1]

MELVERLEY CHURCH was probably a Chapel originally, but an affiliation of Kinnerley. It is not mentioned in the Valor of 1534-5, nor, so far as I am aware, in any earlier document. The Living is now a Rectory, in the Diocese of St. Asaph, and gift of that Bishop.


This Manor is described in Domesday as follows.- Isdem Rainaldus tenet Osulvestune et unus Miles de eo. Uluric tenuit T.R.E. cum una Barewicha Ibi una hida et dimidia. Terra est III carucis. Ibi IIII Waleis habent I carucam. Valet VI solidos.

There can be little doubt that Sandford was the Berewick here alluded to; and I think it very likely that the Knight who held Woolston under Rainald Vicecomes was ancestor of the Anglo-Norman family of Constantine. Certainly the Constantines held Woolston afterwards under Fitz Alan. Their tenancy is proved by a curious series of Charters.- The aera of Thomas de Constantine (I) may be reckoned from 1196 to about 1240. It was perhaps early in that interval, that he, as "Thomas, son of Richard de Constantine", enfeoffed "Roger fitz Dryn in a half-virgate at Sandford". Again, "Roger fitz Dryn gave and quitclaimed to Haghmon Abbey, by the advice of Sir Robert the Chaplain, his brother, that half-virgate which Thomas de Costentin had given him in the vill of Sonforde, together with 4 acres of increment (de augmento), as the Charter of the said Thomas, in favour of the Grantor, did testify;- which Charter the Grantor gave up to the Abbey". "Thomas de Constantine confirmed half a virgate in Sonforde" to the said Abbey, but his Deed (perhaps by mistake) mentions William Dryn

[1] Inquis. 4 Edw. II., No. 34. Vide supra, p. 370.


as the previous tenant thereof. Witnesses,- Radulf de Constantine, Robert de Constantine, Thomas Cressett, William de Bodeham. [1]

Again, about 1225-1235, "Thomas de Costentin gives in augmentation of the alms at the gate of Haghmon Abbey, a rent of 1 lb. of cummin which Thomas de Caldecot used to pay on a half-virgate in Sanford. Witnesses,- Vivian de Rosshall, Thomas, his son". [1] About 1255-60, "Angaret, daughter of Roger fitz Driw, of Sanford, quitclaims to Haghmon Abbey all her right in that half-virgate which Thomas de Constantine, son of Richard de Constantine, gave to her father Roger, for his homage and service. Witnesses,- Sir Thomas de Rosshall, and Vivian, his son".

The above Deeds relate merely to Sandford. Another series relates to Woolston itself. I am uncertain as to the date of a Deed whereby "Thomas de Costentin concedes to the Canons of Haghmon, that the stank of their Mill of Osberniston habeat octo pedes altitudinis desuper pontem de Tenipres, ita quod refluxus aque libere jaceat super feodum meum de Osulveston. The Canons are however to pay the Grantor 2s. annual rent for the said concession, and the Grantor will warrant to them the said back-poundage of water. Witnesses,- Sir John fitz Alan, John le Strange, and Hamo, his brother". [2] By another Deed, undated and untested, "Thomas de Costantin, with consent of Thomas, his son and heir, gives and confirms to the same Canons exaltacionem stagni molendini eorum de Osberneston juxta Moreton, and leave to dig turves on the Grantor's land in Osuluston". [2]

We know that Adam de Montgomery married the heiress of the Constantines. In 1272 the service of half a knight's-fee which he owed to Fitz Alan for Somforde and Oselstone was allotted to the dower of Isabel de Mortimer, widow of John fitz Alan (III). The Inquest taken in 1290, on Adam de Montgomery's death, accounts Sontford (i.e. Sandford and Woolston combined) as a member of Eaton Constantine. I have alluded to this before, and also shown that a Charter of Free Warren, obtained by Adam de Montgomery in 1285, extended to Sandford. [3] In short, at this period and afterwards, Sandford, rather than Woolston, seems to have been the reputed Caput of the Manor now under notice. After Adam de Montgomery's death, Sandford does not seem to have remained with the heirs, either of himself or his wife, Isabella de Constantine. Walter de Hopton died seized of the Manor in 1305, holding it of the Earl of Arundel's heir for a seventh part of a knight's-fee. [4]

[1] Haughmond Chartulary, 199.
[2] Ibidem, fo. 144-b.
[3] Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 4.
[4] Inquis. 33 Ed. I., No. 77.


The Feodary of 1397-8 speaks of this tenure under Fitz Alan as Sonsford, manerium cum Oseleston. [1]

PAROCHIALLY, Sandford and Woolston are in the Parish of West Felton.


Domesday describes this Manor as follows.-

Isdem Rainaldus tenet Halstune. Edricus tenuit cum III Berewichis. Ibi VII hidae geldabiles. Terra est VIII carucis et dimidiae. Ibi duo Walenses et unus Francigena cum duobus hominibus habent unam carucam et dimidiam. Valet IIII solidos. Wasta fuit, et wastam (Rainaldus) invenit. [2]

It is probable that Kinsall and Evenall were two of the ancient Berewicks of Halston, but that, by some means or other, they became annexed to Whittington, and were only reunited to Halston by a grant to the Hospitallers in Henry II's time. It is also probable that the Domesday Manor of Halston was far greater than it is at present, but in what direction the surplus lay I will not conjecture.

Either one of the Fitz Alans, or some Tenant of theirs at Halston, gave the whole Manor to one of the great Military Orders of his time. Tanner describes Halston as "a Preceptory which belonged first to the Knights Templars, and afterwards to the Hospitallers". I have no evidence of, and I greatly doubt, this antecedent seizin of the Templars. It is negatively certain that they had no such possession in 1185, when their Shropshire tenures were enrolled with every appearance of care and completeness; and it is positively certain that the Hospitallers were seated at Hallestan as early as the year 1221, [3] and therefore nearly a century before they obtained a general reversion of the confiscated estates of the Templars.

We have no very early Survey of the English estates of the Knights Hospitallers; but the ample digest of 1338 carefully distinguishes their original acquisitions from those which they obtained as Successors of the Templars. Their Bajulia de Halstan ranks among the former.

[1] Printed Calendar of Inquisitions, Volume III. page 222.
[2] Domesday, fo. 254, b, 2.
[3] Vide supra, page 350, note 1.


In default of any intermediate Record between the year 1221 (when the Hospitallers were seated at Halston) and the Survey of 1338, I proceed at once to state whatever of interest may be obtained from the latter record.-

The Bajulia, or Bailiwick, of Halstan' is described as in North Wales. It was not uncommon thus to describe places which were in the Marches, but the principal revenues of this Bailiwick came from Dongelwal, Carnow, and Lonothyn, places which were actually in North Wales. At Halstan itself, there was a messuage for the reception of the Brethren and of other Visitors, which with a garden and Dove-cot was valued as annually worth: 10s 0d.
The Assized rents of Halston were: 40s 0d.
Two hundred acres of (demesne) land produced: 66s. 8d.
A Water-Mill produced yearly: 13s 4d.
The tithes of corn and hay of the demesne-lands of Wytyn (Whittington), and the tithes of Yewenhale (Evenall) and Kynshull (Kinsall) produced yearly: 8 0 0
The Church of Kynardeslee (Kinnerley) realized: 8 0 0
The assized rents of lands in Ellesmere Hundred: 4 0 0
Ellesmere Church averaged 70 merks, or: 46 13 4
The Pleas and Perquisites of Courts averaged: 0 20 0

Altogether, these receipts, when added to those from Dongelwal and other places in Wales, realized an annual income of 157. 5s. 10d., from the Bailiwick.

The annual charges on this income were,-

For 70 quarters of corn at 2s. 6d., and 30 quarters of siegle at 2s. (being the quantity necessary to supply bread for the Praeceptor of Halstan, his Brother-Knight, and his household, and for the anciently appointed entertainment of guests): 11 15 4
For 160 quarters of oat-malt at 15d.: 10 0 0
For Kitchen expenses, at 5s. per week: 13 0 0
For Robes, Mantles, and other necessaries of the Praeceptor and his Brother-knight: 3 9 4
For stipends of two Chaplains-ad-mensam, [1] one for Halstan, the other for the Chapel in Wytington Castle: 2 0 0
For stipends of a Chamberlain, Steward, Cook, and Baker; of one Bailiff at Halstan, and one Messor (at 13s. 4d. each): 4 0 0
For stipends of the Praeceptor's two boys, and the Cook's one boy, and for their clothes (at 10s. each boy): 1 10 0
For (stipends of) two pages: 0 6 0

[1] Chaplains, that is, who had their meals at the Praeceptory.


For stipend of a Seneschal, attendant on the concerns of the House: 1 0 0
For stipends of the two Clerks who collected the Confraria [1] 2 0 0
Philip, a Clerk, was entitled to sit at the Table of the Brethren, and by ordinance of the Society had a corrody of: 4 0 0
For gifts bestowed on sundry Lords, their Seneschals and Secretaries, for observing and upholding the franchises of the Hospitallers, and for lending their aid, favour and friendship: 5 0 0
For expenses of the Praeceptor, visiting Dongelwal in due course, and staying there to overlook the Manor: 10 0 0 For expenses and clothes of a Bailiff, having custody of that Manor and land: 0 13 4
For stipend of a Seneschal there: 1 0 0
For stipend of a Chaplain there: 3 6 8
For repairs and improvements of buildings there: 1 6 8
For presents given to the Officers of the King and of other Lords, in those parts, to obtain their favour and friendship: 5 0 0

The above expenses and payments are computed in the account as amounting to 79. 7s. 0d., [2] which left a balance of 77. 18s. 10d. as the net revenue of the Bailiwick of Halston. Such balances were handed over to the Treasurer of the Order, in aid of its general purposes and responsibilities. At this period the Praeceptor of Ralston was Philip de Luda. The brother-knight, resident with him, was Albinus de Nevill. [3]

The Valor of 1534-5 gives a full account of the Revenues of the Commandery of Hawston. The first item of receipt is 13, purporting to be "the issues of demesne lands in the Lordship of Whytyngton". This item must be taken to include, and indeed mainly to refer to, the profits of the Manor of Halston. The income from Customary Tenants in the Lordship of Ellesmere was 4. 18. 6d. The Rectorial tithes of Ellesmere were 55. The Abbot of Haughmond's Pension (for Oswestry Hospital) was 1. The Rectorial tithes of Kinnerley were 20. Certain tithes of corn and hay in Whittington Parish produced 5. The Fraternitas (or Confraria), collected annually in the Deanery of Marchia, was farmed by Rese ap Owen, Clerk, at a rent or composition of 6. These items, when added to other receipts from Wales, gave the Commandery of Halston a gross annual income of 160. 14s. 10d.;

[1] Confraria; an annual and voluntary collection made in Churches for the benefit of the Order.
[2] Accurately 79. 7s. 4d.
[3] The Knights Hospitallers in England (Camden Soc. 1857), pp. 38-40.


so that the lapse of two centuries had done little or nothing to increase its prosperity. [1]

HALSTON CHURCH was originally a private Chapel attached to the Praeceptory. The Incumbent, if such he can be called, was a Chaplain, receiving his maintenance within the walls of the Praeceptory, and having a small salary under the general or local rules of the Order.

Halston Manor is extra-parochial to this day, and the Church is donative;- two things which are vestiges of that status which existed under the Rule of the Knights Hospitallers.

[1] Valor Ecclesiasticus, IV. pp. 456, 466.

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